Archive for the ‘Reasoning’ Category

Verisimilimusic: Synthesis of the Real

Posted by , February 3rd, 2013
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[All the songs within this post can be downloaded in this zip file.]


All musical sound carries with it a development of sensations that are already familiar and exhausted, and which predispose the listener to boredom in spite of the efforts of all the innovatory musicians.
Luigi Russolo (The Art of Noises, 1913)


Only 24 hours in a day
Only 12 notes a man can play

Beastie Boys (“Shadrach”, 1989)


At the beginning of the 20th century The Futurists, a group of artists from the Italian avant-garde, launched an “insolent challenge to the stars,” aligning themselves with the spirit of youth. The musicians of the movement lead an audacious revolt, realizing the noise of the Industrial Age had drowned out Beethoven’s Eroica, and watching as the sound of old masters was hung around the necks of music students like an ideological noose, renounced the past in an attempt to forge a future free of “the absurd swindle that is called well-made music.” In 1910, Francesco Balilla Pratella offered his Manifesto of Futurist Musicians, attacking music academies and conservatories as snares that intended to render impotent any artistic insight, perpetuate traditionalism and combat any effort to widen the musical field. Pratella declared inexorable war on everything that repeats, prolongs or exalts the past at the expense of the future. Calling on the recklessness of youth, Pratella hoped to steer future generations away from convention because he believed schools prostituted the glories of the past and were used as “insidious arms of offense against budding talent” that limited study to a “useless form of acrobatics floundering in the perpetual last throes of a behindhand culture that is already dead.” Futurism displayed an ever-growing hostility towards the exhumation of old works that prevented revolutionary innovation.

Following in Pratella’s footsteps, Luigi Russolo offered his own Futurist manifesto, The Art of Noises, outlining a way to liberate music from the confines of religious reverence, pleasantry and grace, and instead, supplant the comfortable melodies of the orchestra with the noise of trams, steam engines, foundries and printing presses. Russolo believed that substituting noise for sound would enrich the imagination of the listener, challenging him to experience new unexpected sensual pleasure. Rather than considering a symphony as music and the roar of industry as noise, Russolo created new instruments that intoned noise, allowing musicians a limitless range of new sounds that strove to incorporate the noise of everyday life rather than attempt to drown it out. The abrupt shock of a car backfire or a hammer fall, once synthesized into the Futurist paradigm, could lose its footing as an intrusion, and instead, become a crescendo in a new assemblage of sounds. The potential of transforming noise into art obviously went beyond the novelty of a printing press acting as a rhythmic device or steam pipe replacing the brass section of an orchestra. For if the province of music could include rather than exclude the noises of the day, and if the natural harmony and rhythm of those noises could be synthesized into a new musical language, it could aestheticize aspects of the everyday, transforming banalities into agencies of transcendence and distractions into ecstatic relays. The revolutionary aspect of the movement wasn’t in creating a proto-industrial band out of factory machinery; Futurist music was revolutionary in its call for the proletarianization of sound.


The liberation of individual musical sensibility from all imitation or influence of the past, feeling and singing with the spirit open to the future, drawing inspiration and aesthetics from nature, through all the human and extra-human phenomena present in it.
Francesco Balilla Pratella (Manifesto of Futurist Musicians, 1910)


We want the airwaves
We want the airwaves
We want the airwaves, baby
If rock is gonna stay alive
The Ramones (“We Want the Airwaves”, 1981)




In their annihilation of the old masters, the Futurists displayed precognition of the “schools” that would follow them. Electronic, punk, industrial and sample-based music all include aspects of Futurism. Just as those who came after them created their own instruments, Luigi Russolo created intonarumori, or “noise intoners.” These acoustic noise generators were parallelepiped wooden boxes with a conical speaker and crank, operating as a basic proto-synthesizer. Borrowing design elements from the loudspeaker, drum and the phonograph, Russolo designed the intoners to offer a range of pitch and amplitude, which were classified according to noise family and register (e.g., roars, whistling, murmurs, beating, shouts, screeching, creaking, etc.). The first concert of Futurist music in April 1914 caused a riot, which is evidence of a strong opening salvo in the Futurist’s inexorable war on past traditions. Unfortunately, further Futurist conflicts went unrealized as concerts around Europe were cancelled during the outbreak of World War I, and many of Russolo’s intoners were destroyed or lost.

There are a number of musicians who were directly influenced by the Futurists, most notably Varèse, Stravinsky and Antheil, but corollary is clear in those who may have been unaware of Russolo and Pratella, but who approached music with a re-creative point of view that is comparably Futurist. Likewise, the methodologies employed in music are progenies of Futurism. While the individuals and their techniques may all be different, they all share in the Futurist desire to explore new realms.


The variety of noises is infinite. If today, when we have perhaps a thousand different machines, we can distinguish a thousand different noises, tomorrow, as new machines multiply, we will be able to distinguish ten, twenty, or thirty thousand different noises, not merely in a simply imitative way, but to combine them according to our imagination.
Luigi Russolo (The Art of Noises, 1913)


Bring the noise!
Public Enemy, 1987


Russolo’s intonarumori and two examples of  industrial music that similarly intoned noise:
»» Luigi Russolo — “Intonarumori: Ronzatore (buzzer)” (1914)
»» Einsturzende Neubauten — “Abstieg & Zerfall” (1981)
»» Throbbing Gristle — “Hamburger Lady” (1981)



The earliest innovations in electronic music were made by engineers who, sharing in the vanguard impulse of Futurism, didn’t stop in a desire to create new instruments but created an entirely new form of music. In the 1940s, Pierre Schaeffer developed musique concrète, a practice of abstracting recordings (concrete sounds) into a musical form. This was a complete departure from the traditional practice of notating ideas and having those notations performed by musicians armed with instruments. Schaeffer’s process disregarded notations, musicians and instruments. Like the Futurists before him, Schaeffer intoned the noise around him, but instead of creating an acoustic instrument to mimic noise, he manipulated electronic recordings.

Pierre Schaeffer was neither the first, nor was he alone, in the development of electronic music. There are a number of early electronic instruments—Clavecin électrique, Theremin, Telharmonium, Ondes Martenot—dating back to the mid 1700s, but it wasn’t until the advent of synthesis that the metaphysics of music, the notion of what music is, took on plasticity.


»» Pierre Schaeffer — “Masquerage” (1948)


The simulacrum is never that which conceals the truth–it is the truth which conceals that there is none.
The simulacrum is true.

Jean Baudrillard (Simulacra and Simulation, 1981)


Your persona’s drama, that you acquired in high school in actin’ class
Your whole aura is plexiglass

O.C. (“Time’s Up”, 1994)


To think about synthesis today, is, largely, to think about synthesizers, which is due to the fact that audio synthesis has itself been synthesized. In other words, most people think of the sound that comes from a synthesizer as synthesis itself. To appreciate the significance of where sound can come from today, we should remember a time when synthesis was a process of building a sound from scratch and not just, as we know it today, a matter of turning the device on. There was a time when there was no device; there was only a process, a way of bringing sound into being, creating a platform from which sound slowly materialized.

Early forms of synthesis involved building: using an oscillator to generate a waveform (sine, square, sawtooth), controlling the frequency of the generated waveform (variable pitch v. fixed pitch), controlling the amplitude (volume), and creating any filters that may shape the tone. Once a single sound was created, it could be recorded onto magnetic tape (saved) and either looped, spliced or played in conjunction with another created sound. The process of creating sound was revelatory, but laborious.


»» John Pfeiffer — ”Orders” (Electronomusic, 1968)
[Pfeiffer was an engineer for RCA Records, responsible for producing many of the labels classical recordings. In addition to working on other's records, Pfeiffer recorded an LP of his own audio experiments. The record featured an orchestra of sound produced by instruments that he built: Inharmonic Side-Band, Contraformer, Parametric Blocks, Metric Transperformer, Alphormer, Duotonic Transform, and Ordered Simpliformer.]





Many of the early commercial releases of electronic music were offered, thematically, as astrological or science fiction works: Forbidden Planet, Apocalypse, Fantasy in Space, Silver Apples of the Moon, Le Voyage, etc. And the record labels were right to liken the new sound of electronic music to aliens visiting earth, because the music shared very few auditory commonalities with anything heard prior. To make matters more petri dish-ish, electronic music was presented like a scientific dissertation. And rightfully so, as most of the electronic musicians were audio engineers who looked more like lab researchers than members of the avant-garde; just as most of the equipment was available only to audio professionals, academics or researchers. Those early recordings sound studious, methodic and analytical precisely because the people making the recordings were studiously analyzing the methods of synthesis and presenting their findings as such.


»» Henry Jacobs — “Sonata for Loudspeaker” (1957)



In the 1960s companies began making commercial synthesizers. The earlier modular synthesizers, such as the Moog, were difficult to transport or tour with, as the size, weight, set-up time and erratic operation caused by temperature fluctuation made the units impractical. But as the devices became more accessible to musicians, there was a widespread appearance of synthesizers in popular music. No longer relegated to the inquisitive scientist, electronic instrumentation turned up in works by artists such as Herbie Hancock, Genesis, The Doors and many others. Synthesizers, whether integrated into popular music or presented alone on novelty albums such as Switched on Bach, were still obviously not “real” sounding, and were not mistaken for traditional acoustic or electric instruments.


I almost think that in the new great music, machines will also be necessary and will be assigned a share in it. Perhaps industry, too, will bring forth her share in the artistic ascent.
Ferruccio Busoni (Sketch of a New Esthetic of Music, 1907)


A police car and a screaming siren
A pneumatic drill and ripped up concrete
A baby wailing and stray dog howling
The screech of brakes and lamp light blinking
That’s entertainment…

The Jam (“That’s Entertainment”, 1981)


Synthesized music slowly outgrew a position of novelty during the ’60s, from being used as a spooky backdrop to being functionally integrated into musical repertoires. Stevie Wonder was a big promoter of synthesizers and used a large variety in his music. Pink Floyd made synthesizers a part of their milieu, convincingly blending the new sounds with traditional electric guitars. Kraftwerk embodied synthesis both in sound and persona. And it was this widespread use that made it possible for the synthesizer to become available to the household consumer.

As newcomers took the synthesizers, a new set of needs developed. No longer the domain of the electronic engineer versed in the operation and design of sound, the process of audio synthesis proved inaccessible to the novice, and so, manufacturers developed pre-programmed sounds that required no creation. Banks of sounds were stored in the synthesizer allowing players to toggle from one sound to another, on top of the former function that allowed creating sounds from scratch. This either/or ability afforded the luxury of experimentation as well as standard, reliable sounds at the touch of a button. Today, every synthesizer includes a “preset” bank of sounds created by the manufacturer as well as a “user” bank — empty placeholders for new sounds created by the user. This is precisely where metaphysics emerge.


Although it is characteristic of noise to recall us brutally to real life, the art of noise must not limit itself to imitative reproduction.
Luigi Russolo (The Art of Noises, 1913)


Now I close my eyes
And I wonder why
I don’t despise
Now all I can do
Is love what was once
So alive and new

Billy Idol (“Eyes Without a Face”, 1984)


In The Death of the Author, Roland Barthes established that the author was a modern figure that emerged from the Middle Ages with empiricism, French rationalism and the personal faith of the Reformation. In our age of capitalist positivism the single attributable voice behind a creation has found ultimate prestige, has been supremely epitomized, in the personification of the author. Much of how we understand a creation comes from what we understand of the creator—his life, his passions, his tastes—and our criticism of that work is a criticism of him. It’s easy to think of a written work, to borrow a line from Barthes, as a “tissue of quotations” drawn from innumerable sources, developed through culture, an anterior multiplicity that eventually becomes a cohesive original whole.

If we think of music the same way, as a tissue of quotations, and the music made from someone is the product of their learning, their interests, their surroundings, then surely the disjointed intrusion of “preset” sounds seems significant, if only as a source completely dislocated from the creator’s life, passion and taste. The implications seem insignificant on an individual level, as a composer is free, and should feel free, to use any instrument at his disposal, and a synthesizer is as likely a candidate as a guitar or piano. However, if we consider the implications of manufactured “preset” sounds in toto, it’s worth raising an eyebrow.

It behooves a company to be dominant in its respective field, to saturate the market, making its product the product to own. A high volume of sales is a sign of healthy business. In the case of a synthesizer, saturating a market with a product containing preexisting sounds means that the manufacturer has a share, as a kind of de facto collaborator, in whatever compositions result from its device.

Of course other instruments besides the synthesizer have consequential impact on sound (“she plays a Rickenbacker“, “he’s got that Marshall sound”, “it’s a Leslie speaker”), and the design and implementation of the manufacturer is, to some degree, entangled in the resulting composition. Where the ontological scale begins to tip is in the shift from sound that operates as sound, and sound that imitates other sound.



Those who talk about originality the most are the ones who most object to deviation, and in a few years it may be the other way around. Some day everybody will think just what they want to think, and then everybody will probably be thinking alike; that seems like what is happening.
Andy Warhol (interview with Art News, 1963)


I was beat, incomplete
I’d been had, I was sad and blue
But you made me feel
Yeah, you made me feel
Shiny and new

Madonna (“Like a Virgin”, 1984)


In his 1936 essay, The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproducibility, Walter Benjamin describes how reproduction makes the act of creation ubiquitous, thereby rendering indistinguishable the specific time and place of a work of art, changing not only its context, but also its “aura.” As an example, Benjamin differentiates between a painter, who renders and environment onto the pictorial plane by hand, and a photographer, who using the eye in favor of the hand, renders the environment in an instant. Since the eye can render faster than the hand, the process of creation was significantly accelerated. With the technological advancements of today, creation usurps process, moments of rendering are infinitesimal, and, in the case of Barthes’ theory of the death of the author, there remain very few traces of the creator in that which is instantaneously created.

Reproduction acts as imitation, standing in for creation. Andy Warhol’s art was revolutionary by virtue of its ontology. In elevating a reproduction to the status of an original, the “fake” nature of the work critiqued authenticity, asking, “What does it mean to be real?”




That same critical examination of being is embedded in the synthesizer. Once the device shifted from offering the ability to create sound to an already existing sound, a mimetic process stood in for a creative one. Synthesis took on a Warholian fake-as-real existence.


You’ve got to roll with the punches to get to what’s real
Van Halen (“Jump”, 1983)
[The first preset on Oberheim OB-XA synthesizer, "A1", was the sound used for Van Halen's #1 hit single, "Jump"]




In capitalist societies profit comes from production, and the worth generated by goods and services is correlative to the efficiency of the exchange process. The means of production, then, are most beneficial to the system when they are streamlined. It makes sense then that mass production, industrialization and repeatability function well in the capitalist system. It’s also logical that such efficiencies would extend beyond markets, or create markets where none existed before, as capitalism thrives on growth, which explains turning everything from education and prison to DNA and medicine into private property.

Capitalist logic is at work in music as well. Not just in the obvious way, such as manufacturers trying to control the market, buying out competitors and mass-producing their goods, but in more subtle ways, such as how we think of creating music. As the recording industry became a Leviathan in the sea of sound, the process by which recordings were made began to change. In a studio, one of the most laborious processes is recording the drums. A drum kit has several pieces, each piece makes a sound, there are dramatic differences in frequency and volume of each piece and, depending on how many microphones are used, the synchronicity of multiple sound waves must be in phase or the sound will be incoherent. Not to mention the physicality of a drum kit. More than any other instrument, a drum kit is really played, with swinging arms and stomping feet. It’s a tight arrangement that encircles the player, and trying to discreetly place microphones to optimally capture sound can be tricky. Setting up an arrangement of microphones on a drum kit can take an entire day. Microphones are often thwacked by an errant drumstick or damaged by powerful bursts of air. The amount of time, the cost of damaged microphones and the unreliability of the resultant sounds all weigh on the means of production. A capitalist answer to such a situation would be to industrialize the drummer.

The Linn Drum, while not distinguished as the first drum machine, nevertheless set itself apart by becoming ubiquitous in music. As a machine it had the ability to do what it’s human counterpart could not. The Linn Drum was consistent in tempo, volume, dynamics, and required very little set-up time. Further, the device used digital samples of real drums in an effort to sound natural.

The advantage offered by the Linn Drum on the record industry’s means of production is quantifiable by its use value. There were countless songs released in the 1980s featuring the device. It proved better than a drummer, and so there was a paradigm shift, machines replaced humans in the cycle of production, and drummers, scared of losing their jobs, quickly became “programmers” instead of performers. Metaphysics gets its hooks in at this point, as the likes of Madonna, Prince, Michael Jackson and ABBA all adopt machinery in place of humanity, significantly altering what Walter Benjamin would call the “aura” of sound. Interestingly, as the Top 40 was inundated with the Linn Drum, and as hit after hit was built from the same identical “real” sounding rhythmic foundation, an existential anxiety developed, however unconscious, in the language of popular music.





The historic causality in art’s will-to-form, or what art historian Alois Riegl termed Kunstwollen, is embedded with the world in which art exists. Human volition shapes man’s relationship to the world, and we witness the mechanic will of the Linn Drum forming in the ’80s pop hits it took part in creating:


Now the day has come
Soon he will be released
Glory hallelujah!
We’re building the perfect beast

Don Henley (“Building the Perfect Beast”, 1984)


I hear it all the time
But they never let you know
On the TV and the radio

Falco (“Der Kommissar”, 1982)


If they say why, why?
Tell them that it’s human nature

Michael Jackson (“Human Nature”, 1983)


I’m not a woman
I’m not a man
I am something that you’ll never understand

Prince (“I Would Die 4 U”, 1984)


The drum machine colonized part of the musical landscape, both in sound and idea. The titles of the songs that employed the Linn Drum—”Take On Me”, “Maneater”, “Don’t You Want Me”, “Danger Zone”, “You’re the Voice”, “Borderline”—share in the historic causality.

The capitalist solution to the bottleneck in production, replacing the drummer with a machine, solved the problem of time and money, but introduced a series of new problems. Specifically, the Benjaminian “aura” of the music of the ’80s was noticeably transformed. The drum machine gives the perfect drum performance: consistent tempo, flawless execution, balanced dynamics, and, as a result, the perfectly authentic performance makes it sound completely inauthentic, devoid of a human “aura.”





Musicians must substitute for the limited variety of tones possessed by orchestral instruments today the infinite variety of tones of noises, reproduced with appropriate mechanisms.
Luigi Russolo (The Art of Noises, 1913)


 Ahhh, this stuff is really fresh!
Fab Five Freddy (“Change the Beat”, 1982)


As the era of Synth Pop blended with the era of hip-hop, the looping function of the digital sampler replaced the preset sound banks of the synthesizer. Looking back at the larger cultural developments that coincided with the sampler, we find Jean Baudrillard’s Simulacra and Simulation, a theory of the hyperreal. Just as an operation manual provides instruction on how to use a sampler, Baudrillard’s treatise provides instruction on how to think of the sampler. [And, by way of a footnote in historic causality, when Linn Electronics went out of business, Roger Linn—inventor of the Linn Drum—went to work for the Akai Company, the pioneer of the digital sampler.]

Baudrillard describes the hyperreal as an allegory of death, reinforced by its own destruction, no longer an object of representation, but a fetish of a lost object. The hyperreal exists where the difference between the real and imaginary is effaced. “The unreal is no longer that of dream or of fantasy, of a beyond or within,” but a hallucinatory resemblance of the real with itself. Today, it is reality itself that is contaminated by its simulacrum.

A sampler operates in the domain of verisimilitude, or, to flip the Baudrillardian postulate of the simulacrum: the substitution of “fake” sound is never that which conceals the “real” sound — it is the “real” sound which conceals that there is nothing real. “Fake” sound is real.





Imitation always involves selecting something from the continuum of experience, thus giving boundaries to what really has no beginning or end. Mimêsis involves a framing of reality that announces that what is contained within the frame is not simply real. Thus the more “real” the imitation the more fraudulent it becomes.
Michael Davis (The Poetry of Philosophy: On Aristotle’s Poetics)


She looks like the real thing
She tastes like the real thing
My fake plastic love

Radiohead (“Fake Plastic Trees”, 1995)


Photography “freed the hands” of the graphic artists in the same way that synthetic music has “freed the ears” of musicians. The mimetic function of electronic music has enabled auditory stand-ins to do the work formerly required of their human counterpart. Just as the Linn Drum replaced drummers, the digital sampler replaced musicians.

Ours is a time of “verisimilimusic,” where meta-sound functions as sound. As it is reproduced, verisimilimusic becomes not only that which can be reproduced, but that which is always-already reproduced. Never extinguished or totally absorbed in one another, verisimilimusic and actual music overflow into one another at the level of simulation. An example of how this affects music:

»» The Charmels – “As Long as I’ve Got You” (1967)
»» Wu-Tang Clan – “C.R.E.A.M.” (1993)
»» El Michels Affair — “C.R.E.A.M. instrumental” (2005)

The leitmotif of the Wu-Tang Clan’s song is a sample taken from The Charmels. This we can call the first order simulation: a song that samples another song. The initial creation (Charmels), and the secondary creation (Wu-Tang), which colonizes the first, resulting in two “original” creations. Next, the El Michels Affair, a funk revival band, perform an instrumental versions of the Wu classic, which is essentially an imitation of the initial creation (Charmels) in the arrangement of the secondary creation (Wu-Tang), rendering a third “original” creation, and, a second order simulation.

The El Michels song is hyperreal, as it functions beyond representation in the realm of simulation, swirling in its own en abîme, like Bruce Lee in Enter the Dragon, following his enemy into the hall of mirrors only to find himself surrounded by reflections.




But this does not mean that sound and meta-sound are in some sense extinguished through total absorption in one another. Hyperrealism is their mutual fulfillment, a reciprocal overflowing, which functions within the realm of simulation. Returning to Baudrillard, “Like the distancing effect within a dream, which tells one that one is dreaming, but only in behalf of the censor, in order that we continue dreaming, hyperrealism is an integral part of coded reality, which it perpetuates without modifying.” To look at the hyperreal inversely, today, reality itself is hyperrealistic.


We’ll always be together
However far it seems
We’ll always be together
Together in electric dreams

Giorgio Moroder (“Together in Electric Dreams”, 1984)


We’ve got no future
We’ve got no past

Pet Shop Boys (“West End Girls”, 1984)



John Lennon was onto something, though a perpetual simulation of that which represents what once was real probably wasn’t what he had in mind when he sang, “imagine no possessions.” But in our digital age of simulation, where possession itself is superfluous, we are being forced to imagine no possessions. The digital paradigm has allowed the intangible to simulate the tangible, making it possible to listen to an album without touching it, without seeing it, without it being. And isn’t that incorporeality a perfect realization of the essence of music? The beauty of music is its ability to express ideas that can only be expressed through sound. I am old, from a generation of vinyl-loving Luddites, but I concede that the untouchability of digital music makes a perfect analog (excuse the pun) for the spectral beauty of conveying ideas unhampered by a tether to the terrestrial plane.

Of course, making digital ghosts of your music collection wreaks havoc on capitalism, evidenced by the language that addresses ownership. Today, a “pirate” is someone who listens to music they don’t own. The action hasn’t changed: we still listen to music. The problem, of course, is the digital paradigm lends itself to the idea of simulation, replication, plasticity of being, making possession both intangible and irrelevant. Ownership is fluid, and just as the Walkman made music portable, digitalization made music immaterial. We’re living in the uncomfortable age—the teenage years—of technology transcending the capitalist system. Our economy functions by way of ownership of goods, with profit generating from production of such goods. The glaring fault in referring to someone listening to a digital song as a “pirate” is in the difference in the means and modes of production. A physical piece of music (an LP, CD or cassette) involves material, a factory, the transport and storage of the product, and, of course, the labor involved. With the non-physical, a single mouse-click entails all of the previous physical forces, without the material, without the factory, without the labor. The physical world has been outsourced in the digital music paradigm. Everything is simulation. And to most people, that isn’t worth much, however valuable it is.

While everyone was largely in agreement that the cost of a compact disc was too high, the idea that it should cost something was agreeable. It was forged from material, through labor, into a product, resulting in profit that was then returned to the forces of production. The difference between that and anyone clicking “copy” is glaring. It’s a huge difference. Just as there was fear that people would stop attending the symphony when sheet music was printed, just as there was fear that recorded music would replace live music, just as there was fear that blank cassettes would kill the record industry, there is fear that digital reproduction is quashing the rights of possession—making pirates of everyone. The question that causes discomfort in our culture today goes beyond the idea of what an intangible object is worth, the bigger question lies in the evolution of the idea of ownership. In a time when we’re being asked to renounce our privacy, so goes with it the property of what is private.

The answer isn’t simple, and our age demands thought if we are to reconcile simulation and the irrelevance of originality with the capitalist notion of private property, but clinging to the past has historically proven to be injurious, and, what’s more, is usually the province of the despotic.





A musical example of arguing simulated ownership presents itself in the beef between the Beatnuts and Jennifer Lopez:

»» Barrabás — “Hi-Jack” (1974)
»» Enoch Light — “Hi-Jack” (1975)
»» Beatnuts — “Watch Out Now” (1999)
»» Jennifer Lopez — “Jenny From the Block” (2002)

With their 1999 song “Watch Out Now,” the Beatnuts sampled a disco song, “Hijack” from Enoch Light’s 1975 LP, The Disco Disque, which was a cover of the song “Hi-Jack,” originally written and recorded by the Spanish band Barrabás in 1974. In its manifestation as a Beatnuts composition, “Hijack” was already three generations old. Then, Jennifer Lopez, in a 2002 effort to solidify her hood-born credibility, combined a sample from “Watch Out Now” with the 1987 classic rap anthem “South Bronx,” by Boogie Down Productions, in her “Jenny From the Block.” It’s arguable whether Lopez convinced anyone of her street credibility, but what’s certain is the fact that she angered the Beatnuts by biting “Watch Out Now,” who fired back at her with a diss track, “Confused Rappers.”


Can’t forget to stay real
To me it’s like breathing

Jennifer Lopez


See, you sorta like a bird
And you like to repeat

The Beatnuts


Both Lopez and the Beatnuts behave like analog privateers in a digital world of simulated reproduction, clinging to outmoded ideas of ownership. From its foundation, “Watch Out Now” was a mimetic function, a former reality reabsorbed into a simulated hyperreality. The antecedent of “Watch Out Now” was “Hijack,” and when the Beatnuts heard their simulation re-simulated by Jennifer Lopez, they entered into the Droste effect, a hall of mirrors, an endless loop.


Freeze! Nobody move
And this here sounds like nobody’s groove
Original, straight from the studio
I ain’t trying to sound like the next estúpido

The Beatnuts


I’m real, I thought I told you
Jennifer Lopez


What would possess you to use
My records, like I’m here for you to abuse

The Beatnuts


Nothin’ phony with us
Jennifer Lopez


It’s an Aristotelian clusterfuck of mimesis. The Beatnuts act as Bruce Lee, chasing their enemy, Jennifer Lopez, into the hall of mirrors, which is the capitalist idea of private property, and once inside, they are surrounded by a Barthesian tissue of quotations and a Benjaminian mechanical reproducibility, which makes everything ephemeral, ubiquitous, insubstantial, available, valueless and free.





The human condition is analogous to the digital sampler. The sampler allows taking a snapshot of audio and rendering it as an endless loop, a repetitive re-telling of the past, inviting new interpretations of past truths — making the solid fluid again. The human condition is a struggle to evolve, a constant movement, an unabated desire for change, amidst the same recurring fundamental questions of being. A constant un-gluing and re-gluing of reality; testing the ontological hold on perception, scanning the horizon of beliefs for the next wave in awakening that will shudder our hold on what is real. The whole process acts as a mise en abîme, a scene within a scene, constantly recurring.


Because you’re empty and I’m empty
And you can never quarantine the past

Pavement (“Gold Soundz”, 1994)


We can act like we come from out of this world
Leave the real one far behind

Men Without Hats (“The Safety Dance”, 1983)


At the end of 1857, in Notebook IV of The Grundrisse, Marx drew a similar analogy with regard to how crises form in capitalism. Using a Hegelian dialectical treatment of the nature of limits on growth and expansion, Marx shows how limits are more ideal than real through annihilation of space by time.


For the first time, nature becomes purely an object for humankind, purely a matter of utility; ceases to be recognized as a power for itself; and the theoretical discovery of its autonomous laws appears merely as a ruse so as to subjugate it under human needs, whether as an object of consumption or as a mean of production. In accord with this tendency, capital drives beyond national barriers, as well as all traditional, confined, complacent, encrusted satisfactions of present needs, and reproductions of old way of life. It is destructive towards all of this, and constantly revolutionizes it, tearing down all the barriers which hem in the development of the forces of production. But from the fact that capital posits every such limit as a barrier and hence gets ideally beyond it, it does not by any means follow that it has really overcome it, and since every such barrier contradicts its character, its production moves in contradictions which are constantly overcome but just as constantly posited.
Karl Marx (The Grundrisse, 1858)


Our cultural development — as the result of capitalism, or, as the cause of capitalism — behaves much the same way with respect to limits. That is to say, we cannot abide limits, we must turn them into barriers which we can circumvent or transcend. This is clear in music: the acoustic guitar was a barrier overcome by the electric guitar, which in turn was a barrier set ablaze by Jimi Hendrix, while today the real, actual physical guitar is superfluous, as its sounds can be simulated or sampled digitally. The same is true of the limits revealed by the Futurist prospect: the Futurists sought to transcend the barrier of the orchestra by intoning noise, which resulted in a widened spectrum of available sound sources; That variety of sound sources later became a barrier to the idea of a sound source, which was overcome by synthesis, or, the open-ended creation of sound rather than generated sound; finally, the all-inclusive synthetic starting point, ironically, became its own barrier that was circumvented with the sampler’s ability to reconstitute the real into the simulated hyperreal.


The liberation of individual musical sensibility from all imitation or influence of the past, feeling and singing with the spirit open to the future, drawing inspiration and aesthetics from nature, through all the human and extra-human phenomena present in it.
Francesco Balilla Pratella (Manifesto of Futurist Musicians, 1910)


Yo, just give thanks it’s the new shit
For y’all to ever try to sleep on this is stupid

The Roots (“Act Fore”, 1999)


The fact that music, like the culture it comes from, cannot abide limits means that the process of music will constantly transcend by imagining the limit as a barrier, and, as Marx warned, never actually overcome the limits. Put another way, desire is most satisfied by unsatisfied desire. Every obstacle to desire generates a desire for an obstacle. The feedback loop.

The pursuit to shrug convention, to find new sounds, to overcome barriers, to change and adapt, can be seen on one hand, as an ouroboric cycle, endlessly frustrated, and on the other hand, as an immanent impulse that strives for purity. However, purity itself can exist as contradiction constantly overcome and constantly posited, which is often where we find the line blurred between the real and the imagined.

Think of how advertising slowly transformed the view of beautiful women by way of presenting an image of a beautiful woman. Growing out of this ideal image of beauty, photographs of actual women were then metamorphosed, first through airbrushing and later through Photoshop; the ideal was simulated. Today, actual women are simulating the ideal by surgically reconstructing themselves, making themselves an imitation of something that was never real to begin with. In record numbers, people are getting plastic surgery, following Bruce Lee, the Beatnuts and Jennifer Lopez into the hall of mirrors…

Commercial jingle for Lightworks Cosmetics written by electronic music pioneer Raymond Scott, along with the re-simulation of “Lightworks” by hip-hop pioneer J Dilla:

»» Raymond Scott — “Lightworks” (1967)
»» J Dilla — “Lightworks” (2006)


I’ll be your mirror
Reflect what you are, in case you don’t know

Velvet Underground (“I’ll Be Your Mirror”, 1967)


Don’t know how to take it, don’t know where to go
My resistance running low
And every day the hold is getting tighter and it troubles me so
I’m nobody’s fool and yet it’s clear to me
I don’t have a strategy

ABBA (“Under Attack”, 1981)


Because music exists in the meta-reality of imitation, reproduction, and the Barthesian “tissue of quotations,” the resulting distanciation flummoxes our bearing on what is real and what is imaginary. It’s within these coordinates that a song like Selena Gomez’s “Love You Like a Love Song” is grounded. No longer in the realm of actuality, the Gomez song binds itself to reality not with anything actual, but with that which stands-in for actual, a simulation. Rather than a limitation of physical distance, as in the example of Stevie Wonder’s “I Just Called to Say I Love You,” the distance that Gomez has to conquer is metaphysical, and by expressing her love, in turn, through an expression of love, she dwells in the domain of the unreal, the age from which her song arose. The “love song” she references is a reflection of love, making her song a reflection of a reflection.





We will be forever in debt to the Futurists for making a critical crack in the façade of the idea of what is “well-made” music. By intoning noise the Futurists prepared the world for new ways of thinking about music, new forms of music, and a wider field of musicians. Everyone from Schönberg to the Bomb Squad is visible in the viewfinder of the Futurist forecast. Where the foresight of the Futurists fell short, however, was in their complete dismissal of the past. It reveals a nascent fascistic tendency to think the past can simply be exterminated and a new, past-less future can be born. The Futurists likely could have imagined the synthesizer as something to grow out of intoned noise, but the idea of a new machine primarily reconstituting what once was, a kind of past intoner, was outside their ideological wheelhouse.

Examining the volition of a culture — the will-to-form of creativity forged in the developments of the era — provides a much more detailed picture of that culture. Thus, the Industrial Revolution begat the Futurists, who consequently thought the past was dead as they were witness to man being replaced by machine. The age of the drum machine was nestled between the Space Age and the Digital Revolution, a time marked by the disillusionment of the Cold War, dubiousness regarding the promises of a Jetsons-esque future, and the early signs of consumer fatigue in a never-ending cycle of planned obsolescence. Looking at culture in this broad view, seeing the embedded historic causality and how that shapes mankind’s relationship to the world, we can examine today’s culture with a critical appreciation not only of what’s at work in forming thought, but, what the idea of the future looks like through such a formation of thought.

Just as surely as we are living in what Roland Barthes predicted as author-less times, we are living in times where technology has outpaced our belief systems. Considering that the establishment of the author emerged with rationalism, which also saw the emergence of capitalism, it would stand to reason that technology today has overrun the constraints of our economic system. The Digital Revolution has returned us, in many ways, to an era of the commons. The ironic short-circuit of such a broad view is that capitalism has all but replaced communism throughout the world, while at the same time, the volition of the author-less age is, essentially, communistic. That is to say, we are practicing a digital form of communism within a system of capitalism.


There’s a new game
We like to play you see
A game with added reality

Depeche Mode (“Master and Servant”, 1984)


Tell me how do I feel
Tell me now, how do I feel

New Order (“Blue Monday”, 1983)


Just as the Futurists couldn’t foresee the sampler making bricolage of the past, the architects of the digital paradigm couldn’t envision a wide scale usage of the technology that turns everything into a commodity while, at the same time, turning every commodity into free source material. It’s a digital feedback loop. Just as the camera freed the hand of the painter, and the synthesizer freed the ear of the musician, digitalization freed the creator from the process of creation. Pink Floyd, dude, “welcome to the machine.”

The pop charts are dominated by songs that act more like commodities than songs, while those exploring new ideas are plagued with the baggage of limitation, often resulting in “new” music that sounds reminiscent of the old, if not an imitation. The deadlock is that while we have the ability to reach far beyond what we know, we’re limited by a belief system, or a mode of production, or a constellation of being, that has no way of comprehending the environment in which it operates. Though our practice contains the intimation of a new era, our way of thinking is bound by old beliefs. Marx already provided us with the proposition to resolve this: “Sie wissen das nicht, aber sie tun es” (“they do not know it, but they are doing it”). It was in Capital that Marx offered this classical concept of ideology as a false consciousness, misrecognition of social reality which is already a part of reality itself. It’s this constitutive naïveté that creates the feedback, generates a blind spot in our view of the future, and keeps us in the Droste-like loop of repetition.

What I propose is not an answer, but instead, a shift in view, an inversion: to approach the author-less times with a refusal of fixed meaning, a refusal to discover, a refusal to think of ourselves as discoverers. The problem with trying to discover something new is the continued result of discovering something old, because to discover is to locate a limit, to determine an endpoint from which to return to the beginning. As a “new” logical procedure, as illogical as it may seem, we should invert discovery, and instead focus on the receiver, the listener. The listener is the space on which all the elements of creation are addressed. The multiplicities of a sound find unity not in the origin but in the destination. The destination cannot be personal because it is without the history, passion and taste of the creator, but the notion of the creator was born of the notion of private property, which in our new ever-social world is invalid. It seems counter-intuitive to think of music as something other than a stream that flows from a creative source to its recipients, but that is exactly what’s required of us. This new way of thinking harkens back to the Futurist’s revolutionary proletarianization of sound. Appropriating the directional flow is the equivalent of the workers taking control of the means of production. In this new system, free of the fixed idea of authorship, allowing a multiplicity of being, a horizontal field of view that perceives the “tissue of quotations” as part of the whole comes into focus, and the proletarianization of sound makes plural what has thus far been singular, allowing all things to be simultaneous.

My proposal is not something new, nor is it an answer. We are already practicing a new paradigm — art in the time of author-less commons. All I propose is that we start to believe that that is what we are practicing. Our worldview has been framed in the epoch of private property. It would be extremely shortsighted to construct a framework to free us from this, because it is precisely the idea of framework that limits freedom.


Burned all my notebooks, what good are notebooks?
They won’t help me survive
My chest is aching, burns like a furnace
The burning keeps me alive

Transmit the message, to the receiver
Hope for an answer some day
Talking Heads (“Life During Wartime”, 1979)


Identify yourself with the infinite and wander freely in the unfathomable
Zhuangzi (4th century BCE)








Looking back at the Future: In 2009 Luciano Chessa reconstructed Russolo’s noise intoners for a centennial celebration of Futurist Music. A video of the evening of intonarumori performances at Town Hall in New York City can be seen here: “Music for 16 Futurist Noise Intoners

The past is back: For several years now, modular synthesizer enthusiasts in Portland, Oregon have been meeting to share and build sounds. A kind of pioneering-the-past avant-garde movement.

The past is “back in a big way”: The 2013 National Association of Music Merchants (NAMM) show, where industry professionals unveil all the “new” gear of the year, had a multitude of new modular synthesizers on display.

The past foretelling the future: I went to a local electronics store yesterday looking for an iPod dock for my wife, and right next to the newfangled iPod accessories found a cache of mini-modular synth kits, complete with patch cables and carrying cases.

Finally: Here’s this “Buchla Beat” I can’t get enough of.





Posted by , July 26th, 2011
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The great art style of any period is that which relates itself to the true insights of its time. But an age may repudiate its real insights, retreat to the insights of the past — which, though not its own, seem safer to act upon — and accept only art that corresponds to this repudiation; in which case the age will go without great art, to which truth of feeling is essential. In a time of disasters the less radical artists, like the less radical politicians, will perform better since, being familiar with the expected consequences of what they do, they need less nerve to keep their course. But the more radical artists, like the more radical politicians, become demoralized because they need so much more nerve than the conservatives in order to keep to a course that, guided by the real insights of the age, leads into unknown territory. Yet if the radical artist’s loss of nerve becomes permanent, then art declines as a whole, for the conservative artist rides only on momentum and eventually loses touch with the insights of his time — by which all genuine artists are nourished. Or else society may refuse to have any new insights, refuse to make new responses — but in that case it would be better not to talk about art at all.
—Clement Greenberg
(“The Decline of Cubism,” 1948)

To begin a treatise on rap’s retreat into republicanism with a quote on Cubism from the ‘40s seems absurd, but it’s these absurd corollaries that allow us to see through the glare of everyday assumptions. If we take Greenberg’s argument, strip it away from Cubism, can’t we apply the forecast to rap in general? That is to say, is there a widespread retreat to past insights in rap music today? Is rap careening towards the conservative right? Have the artists in rap suffered a “loss of nerve”? Are those at the forefront guided by real insight, and exploring “unknown territory”? Surely we’re living in a time of disaster. And if that’s the case, shouldn’t we look closer at what is deemed “radical” and “new”?

From a broad socio-economic perspective, we can look back at the history of rap and see that, for decades, it’s been on the career path of conservative co-opting and commercial interests where it finds shelter today. There has been no shortage of histories published about hip-hop, and it seems appropriate that a book currently enjoying success, The Big Payback, deals primarily with the business of hip-hop. As is outlined in the book, rap music underwent a subtle shift, from being rooted in the culture that produced it to being estranged from its culture by the huge business interest that was able to take rap, as E-40 says, from the ghetto streets to the executive suites.

Looking at rap’s mode of production from a Marxist perspective, hasn’t the economic machine propelling music conditioned the consciousness of the music?

The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.
—Karl Marx
(Critique of Political Economy, 1859)

I don’t like to dream about getting paid…
(Paid in Full, 1987)

[As a quick, clarifying aside, and in defense of the lost cause that is the argument I’m making, let me first articulate what this article is not: I understand that while looking at rap through a Marxist lens I run the risk of coming off as a collegiate dickwad, or worse, the writing can read clinical and disconnected. I’m not interested in making a value judgment on rap, or setting some moral compass. In fact, this article has nothing to do with subjective interpretations of rap; what’s “good” or “bad” about the music. The focus of this writing is a critical examination of the series of subtle shifts that sustain the ideological underpinnings of how we understand and relate to rap. The point of this article is not to solve the problems of hip-hop’s materialism, violence and misogyny, but to redefine those problems.]

At inception in the late ‘70s, hip-hop abided many stripes (gang members, disco freaks, momma’s boys, fatsos, black nationalists, Blondie, etc.) and the music reflected the culture from whence it came, with non-sequiturs and ugly truths bundled in a compelling new form of self-expression. From the earliest rap recordings one can hear the seedlings of today’s violence, homophobia and materialism, but what’s most noticeable in hip-hop’s forefathers is their innocence. That is to say, the violence then was more reactionary — violence as a direct result of oppression — where today’s violence is formulaic, or worse, manufactured. The oppression still exists, but it’s been mixed with commercial incentive, a reward sustaining the conditions of oppression.

Through the Wild Style-era, rapping functioned mainly as a party-starting device (“lemme hear you say hooooo!”) or was simply a toast to the deejay running the sound (“Grandmaster! Cut Faster!”). After the popularity of “The Message,” a style of ghetto reportage became standard. Certainly, the unspeakable conditions of inner city life were familiar in every corner of the world by the late ‘80s. The exposure of oppression became a profitable expression, and this shocking “revelation” (America’s ghettos were one of its worst kept secrets, after all) is where we find the first subtle shift in the culture of hip-hop.

Much of what was rapped about then, as now, was from the standpoint of the marginalized, and as such, could be hard to swallow. And it should be, hearing the uncensored voice of the oppressed is shocking and uncomfortable. However, the shock of the it’s like a jungle sometimes-type raps acted as a spectacular report of ghetto conditions (similar to that of an embedded reporter), and it was this exploitable byproduct that piqued the interest of the business world. Surely, by the late ‘80s, gangsta rap not only made hip-hop commercially viable, but truly a spectacle. And isn’t it here, amidst this vulnerability, that we see a marginalized culture pushed further into the margin by becoming a commodity?

While there are certainly rappers that deal drugs, gangbang, or are involved in nefarious activity, it’s precisely the commercial reward of that activity which shifts our understanding of that lifestyle from a symptom of life in the ghetto to a successful mode of business. Melle Mel rapped about ghetto life with a genuine emancipatory intent (“Don’t push me ‘cuz I’m close to the edge”), and that intent to see change has been transformed into a mode of production, a financial recipe that relies on such conditions to continue. This is clear when we look at the figures that ignited the ambition of rappers in the beginning, and how they’ve shifted as rap’s mode of production changed. In its commercial infancy, rap invoked black radical leaders (“Most of my heroes don’t appear on no stamp!”), while today rap looks to captains of industry, crime bosses and self-serving capitalists (“You lookin’ at the black Warren Buffett”).

Capital exists as capital only in so far as it passes through the phases of circulation, in order to be able to begin the production process anew, and these phases are themselves phases of its realization — but at the same time, of its devaluation. Circulation can create value only in so far as it requires fresh employment —of alien labour in addition to that directly consumed in the production process.
Karl Marx (The Grundrisse, 1858)

‘Cause violence is contagious, it got me bustin’ gauges
The ’95 Larry Davis and I’m wettin’ niggas for wages

B1 (“Take ‘Em To War”)

Rap has made millionaires of many, but as the pages of The Big Payback have informed us, the commodification of rap has conditioned the culture of rap. We don’t need Marx to see that the result of selling the world ghetto raps was not an improvement in conditions for those living in the ghetto, but instead, a means of production was developed to sell the condition of the ghetto by simultaneously sustaining those conditions.

Rapping offered those of us outside ingress to slum life, and, instead of change, our interest brought mass-market media and Hollywood (Colors, Boyz N The Hood, New Jack City, Juice, South Central, Menace II Society, Strapped, Dead Presidents). At least for hip-hop’s first decade, this exposé surely had a shocking effect, but three decades later, shouldn’t we consider the culture of rap a commercial for a contributing cause of oppression? As rap culture became a valuable commodity, the characterization of the rap persona became overdeveloped: mansions, being fully iced out, Pablo Escobar-sized tales of drug trafficking, etc. An illusory lifestyle was manufactured, with implications that all rappers of note were millionaires. Certainly, a few rappers became rich, but of course, most weren’t. Stories surfaced of rappers we thought were millionaires going broke or declaring bankruptcy. Tupac’s mother, for instance, sued Death Row Records because, although his last albums earned hundreds of millions of dollars, he had a mere hundred thousand in the bank when he died and no substantial assets. The façade of rap show business is glitzy, and if we watch the behind the scenes documentaries, we see the yachts, mansions and cars in the videos are leased, the video vixens are paid models, and, all told, the bill for services rendered is subtracted from the artist’s royalties. We learn time and again, as Marx warned, that commercial circulation requires labor otherwise it suffers devaluation. The commercial character of rap, then, requires rappers to personify gangsters and millionaires whether they are or not, otherwise no one makes money, and the field goes fallow.

In Capital, Marx talks of the “process that goes on behind the backs of the producers, and, consequently, appear to be fixed by custom.” Isn’t the shift from rapper-as-reporter to rapper-as-retailer an equivalent process that went on “behind the backs” of rap and its community? An authentic criticism against alienation turned into a simulated reenactment. Also worth exploring is rap’s treatment of authenticity and alienation throughout its history.

There was great contestation between authenticity and alienation through the ‘90s. Authenticity acted as a sovereign province, OGs, “hood niggas,” keepin’ it real, etc. The credo: “the game is sold, not told.” Authenticity was access, and being from the projects, serving time in prison, getting shot or dealing drugs lent credence to one’s authenticity. In contrast, alienation was a consequence of one’s inauthenticity, and was leveled as a judgment against anyone who wasn’t hood. Looking at authenticity and alienation through this lens — a balance of demonstration and defense of hood status — explains the beefs and crew conflicts that made ‘90s rap so volatile. This demarcation, “original gansta” v. “studio gangsta,” was fiercely defended; authenticity brought fame and record sales (“Recognize nigga, I’m straight from the street”), while alienation left carpetbaggers defenseless (“You all alone in these streets, cousin”). Paradoxically, as Marx knew, both positions become part of the production process and they are consumed (inauthentic gangsters become real gangster or get killed, and real gangsters who were elevated out of criminal life return to their past life in defense of their new life). Both sides become laborers in service to capital circulation and the process itself, behind our backs, appears “fixed by custom.” Capital wins.

On the basis of political economy itself, in its own words, we have shown that the worker sinks to the level of a commodity and becomes indeed the most wretched of commodities; that the wretchedness of the worker is in inverse proportion to the power and magnitude of his production; that the necessary result of competition is the accumulation of capital in a few hands, and thus the restoration of monopoly in a more terrible form; and that finally the distinction between capitalist and land owner, like that between the tiller of the soil and the factory worker, disappears and that the whole of society must fall apart into the two classes – property owners and propertyless workers.
Karl Marx (Estranged Labor, 1844)

First they your rings
Now they my rings

Ice Cube (“Amerikkka’s Most Wanted”, 1990)

By 2000, rap was sick with a host of Marxist socio-economic contradictions, and the balance between authenticity and alienation grew irrelevant as the character of rap became symbolic, fetishized, with everyone acting as though the character is real. The authenticity becomes secondary, and, in another subtle shift, being a mogul becomes the benchmark, the thing that keeps rappers from seeming like another wretched commodity. As shootings and arrests became damn near pedestrian, street fame was eclipsed by a graduated sense of crime boss-cum-tycoon (“Everyday I’m hustlin’”). While proving what you’ve done once reigned supreme, showing what you’ve got became the way to be crowned king. And wasn’t it here, amidst this age-old conservative money-grab, that the scope of interest narrowed? Think of all the different styles of rap that competed up through the ‘90s (conscious, D.A.I.S.Y/hippie, gangsta, revolutionary/afrocentric, “jazzy,” underground, trip-hop, boom bap, random rap, glitch hop, etc.). The most rewarded form was gangsta rap, and consequently, the function of rap served as a surrogate for the American dream: get rich or die tryin’. And rap’s inarguable function today, is “all about the cheddar.” Is it not clear that, exploring unknown territories (however thankful most of us are to be done with jazzmatazz!), and the nerve to pursue genuine insight, have all become secondary to the business of making money?

I dumb down for my audience
And double my dollars

Jay-Z (“Moment of Clarity”)

Everybody want to know why the album was late
I was waiting for whitey to get my fucking paper straight

UGK (“Don’t Say Shit”)

See, I love to freestyle, but if I can’t get paid
At the end of the day I’m like, “¿No comprende?”
Cause if keepin’ it real is being broke
Fuck this rap shit, I’m going back to full time slangin’ dope

— WC
(“Rich Rollin’”)

I move rhymes like retail, make sure shit sell
(“Incarcerated Scarfaces”)

Conservatives practice a bootstrapping, trickle down, self-interest philosophy that works against marginalized, underrepresented communities (gays, ethnics, atheists, environmentalists, free-thinkers, the poor and hungry, etc.). In much the same way, rap, once it’s commodified, goes for delf. This laissez-faire policy aligns rap with the right wing: anti-gay, anti-woman, pro-money, pro-business, etc. With rappers as moguls, their business ventures (fragrance, clothing line, real estate, sports franchises, Vitamin Water, etc.) overshadow their music, which, in turn, overshadows their connection to their community, and they find themselves in alliance with the class who were once their oppressors. Kayne West apologized to George Bush, for fuck’s sake. The “cash rules everything around me” policy allows the two of them to find camaraderie while despising one another.

And is the lack of posse in today’s rap a coincidence? The subtle shift is clear when we compare going for dolo to the history of democracy’s relationship with barriers.

In the past, totalitarian powers were the ones who enclosed themselves behind walls, actual or symbolic (the Berlin Wall, the Iron Curtain) in an effort to shield themselves from the influence of democracy. Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin ruled with propaganda, military might and, in the worst cases, gulags and concentration camps. In any era, artists were among the vanguard that risked their lives to undermine established power: Otto Dix, Víctor Jara, Jacques Vaché, Simone Weil, Bertolt Brecht, Fela Kuti, Malachi Ritscher, etc.

Today, it is democracies that are building protective walls to preserve their “freedom” from the hordes of immigrants, fundamentalists and the penniless. Whether the barrier is actual or not (the wall at the US/Mexico border, secured airports and seaports, corporations with more rights than people, laws that restrict entry of people from specific countries, etc.), democracy is being walled off. If oppression was only possible behind the Iron Curtain, freedom is only possible today behind the wall of democracy, away from the tired, poor, huddled masses. From the light of the liberty lamp we see clearly that not everyone is welcome. Can’t we be sure that, whatever is practiced behind walls must function as an oppressive force?

Getting past the wall, that is, conquering pennilessness and becoming part of democracy today, one goes through a process of expropriation. In order to achieve within the competition to accumulate capital, a citizen is dispossessed of his natural citizenship, his sense of belonging, and is sublated into “security.” He graduates, mints up, and is effectively removed from his former surroundings (“From rags to riches nigga, I ain’t dumb…”).

There’s an oft-levied judgment against the materialism inherent in rap, that the ostentatious opulence is in bad taste and somehow a mark of the uncivilized. On the other side, the defenders of the flamboyant quip, “Can a nigga eat?” or, “Get that paper!” What both sides miss are the roots of this materialism, specifically that they don’t exist within “civilized” economy. From the beginning, blacks have been excluded from the economic process in America. First, through slavery, blacks weren’t even treated as human, much less rewarded economically. Later, through institutional means, blacks were excluded from privileges that were commonplace to the rest of us. When we think of the iconic image of a rapper, draped in gold, surrounded by symbols of his wealth (clothes, girls, cars, mansions, etc.), we should see this as a wall, similar to the one democracy builds up around itself to preserve “freedom.”

I’m sportin’ rings and things
That’s what money brings

Ultimate Force (“I’m Not Playing”, 1988)

I’m wicked for digits, forgive me God for the truth
But I fiends for cheddar like a smoker with a sweet tooth

WC (“Cheddar”, 1998)

Rap is of the cash and carry school of economy. Like the pimps and hustlers that influenced the music, the lifestyle was not one of banking, investing, stocks and property because blacks have historically been denied those activities, so it seems only logical to find blacks dubious of such prohibitive institutions. Rather than behaving “civilized” then, we see black entrepreneurs wearing their rewards, literally, around their neck. And doesn’t this façade of riches act, on one hand as a placard of wealth, but on the other, as a barrier against inclusion into “civilized” society? Doesn’t the cash and carry behavior function as a setting apart of one lifestyle from another? Even the simplest example — such as pulling a wad of bills out of one’s pocket instead of producing a credit card — serves as inference that one is not “civilized.” To witness someone producing a huge roll of money inspires suspicion, thoughts of criminal activity and the idea of “dirty” money, while payment on credit ennobles the payer with uprightness and trust. Therefore, the unjust double standard continues, as rappers are seen simultaneously as rich and untrustworthy. They are dignified by their worth, but demeaned by how they “choose” to exercise it.

Today, rappers occupy a place in civilized business, as owners of sports franchises, property developers, shareholders, spokespersons for corporations, and other such noble business figureheads. In an ironic twist, however, as rappers have been sublated into the corporate machine they’ve been doubly distanced from their achievements. First, the issue of “civilized” money having not been addressed, a rapper’s richness is seen as “dirty” or ignoble. While they are rich on paper, it’s largely, whether conscious or not, seen as a “separate but equal” type of rich, somewhere south of “clean” rich. The Forbes 400 Summit with Jay-Z and Warren Buffett is a perfect example of such a tendency. Of course the summit was on Buffett’s turf, and in the language Buffett is accustomed to, and throughout their discussion we witness Jay having to cater his response to the dominant paradigm. Besides reminding us that the extremely wealthy are unavoidably blind to the lives of the majority, we see how little of Jay’s street fame plays in his tycoon status (where’s the swagger?). The secondary way in which rappers are distanced from their achievements is, in the process of accumulating wealth the rapper is removed from the culture whence he came and, unavoidably, becomes a robber baron. A plutocracy must exercise control over the masses in order to remain in power, and so we see rappers siding with business interest over the interest of their culture.

People’s feelings get hurt
When they figure out what I’m worth
Paul Wall
(“Still Tippin’”, 2005)

Chrome looking more classy than the Transco Tower
Car drippin’ candy paint like it just came out the shower

Like ‘Face I got the money, the power and the finesse

To roll around one deep with hundred-thousand round my neck
I’m looking real shiny, you can see me from a mile away
Thought you was doing it until I came and took your smile away

Bun B (“Draped Up”, 2005)

In reality, a small percentage of rappers are as wealthy as they claim. And isn’t it in this way that the idolatry of rap tycoons shares the same function as the American dream? It also explains why it’s no surprise that tax cuts for the richest Americans don’t cause instantaneous riots among the ninety-nine percent who don’t meet the requirement for the cuts. Isn’t the lure of the American dream the illusion that it’s available to anyone? The lower class can’t disavow tax cuts for the rich without disavowing their belief that they too, someday, may have the chance to be a millionaire and enjoy such a tax cut. This ideological indoctrination drives the democratic illusion. And doesn’t this indoctrination leave a perceptual blind spot in our enjoyment of rap music? That every rapper boasts of stacking paper and being a trillionaire, and such claims are deflated in reality, doesn’t disavow us of our participation in the idea of rap’s plutocracy. Even if we know the yachts, Bentleys and mansions are leased, the girls are paid models, and the rapper is living large on credit from a transnational entertainment corporation, we still can’t renounce ourselves of the truth that it’s literally one percent of all rappers who found the “scheme to get the seven-figure cream.”

This ain’t a figment of my imagination
This is where I live


I’m the opposite of moderate

Can’t a parallel be drawn between the newly sublated bourgeois and the portrayal of the rap character? In the case of the bourgeois, coming from rags to riches, the cultural fear of foreigners competes with his own newfound feeling of being a foreigner. The mixture of jealousy and fear he feels towards the foreigners “surrounding” him contains resentment for what he has lost. He can’t help envying the ethnic neighborhoods where, in spite of the enormous problems, there exists a bit of communal spirit, a sense of solidarity, a life outside control of the state, and an informal economy. This is clearly demonstrated in how the bourgeoisie are fascinated with the “authentic” cuisine, “artisanal” goods, and “rustic” lifestyle of peoples of the lower class. They routinely pay extra for an “authentic” experience, such as eating locally grown food; a “style” of eating 900 million people in the world are starving to experience.

The same equal parts fetishism and denial exist in our understanding of rap. A music that clawed its way out of the oppressed underbelly of culture, finding success only in reenacting the conditions of oppression. Or, as Greenberg said, retreating to past insights. Rap has become a blue chip investment for levelheaded fetishists. Capitalists (a class that now includes rappers) bank on profits from rappers who enact their own oppression. And shouldn’t we be dubious of why the style of rap that’s most detrimental to blacks remains the most valuable? There is an uneasy precedent for the oppressive class enjoying the suicidal pastimes of the oppressed.

The disqualification of black resistance is not unrelated to the peculiar and long-standing cross-racial phenomenon in which the white bourgeois and proletarian revolutions on both sides of the Atlantic can allegorize themselves as revolts against slavery, while the hemispheric black struggle against actually existing slavery and its afterlife cannot authorize itself literally in those same terms… The metaphoric transfer that dismisses the legitimacy of black struggles against racial slavery while it appropriates black suffering as the template for nonblack grievances remains one of the defining features of contemporary political culture. That notable black academics, artists, and activists participate in this gesture is nothing new, of course, but their increasing degrees of self-consciousness and virulence in so doing signal the hegemony it presently enjoys.
Jared Sexton (People-of-Color-Blindness: Notes on the Afterlife of Slavery, 2010)

This ain’t something new…
This is something old

Ol’ Dirty Bastard (“Raw Hide,” 1995)

Can’t we add to Sexton’s idea (the hegemonic disqualification of black resistance) the role of the rapper in the ideological indoctrination into capitalism? The way for a rapper to make money is to “play the role” of gangster. Whether he’s even done any dirt is immaterial; regardless, the role to play is not some nickel-and-dime hustler, but a Pablo Escobar-level kingpin (“I know Pablo, Noriega, the real Noriega/ He owe me a hundred favors”). And this simulated reenactment makes sure that all successful rappers are seen as murderers, drug dealers, and misogynists. Put another way, rappers are elevated out of oppression by becoming pawns of oppression, by becoming part of oppression. The built-in repudiation is that, when pressed, the rapper will say of course he’s not a killer or crime boss, it’s just a character he plays, he’s speaking for the people he came up with. In the same way, us fans of rap engage in the music (murder, drugs, bitches, etc.) with a similar built-in repudiation (“I don’t believe it, I just like listening to it.”). Rappers inundate their work with hating faggots, beating bitches and killing niggas while not genuinely believing what they say, and we listen with an equal distanciation. Is this not how ideology functions, as blind adherence to a practice, against one’s own principles? This is where fascistic tendencies take root.

As an example: An average worker doesn’t believe in the political process or the business propaganda (“work hard and everything will be fine,” “your loyalty will be rewarded,” “the system is fair,” “the government is looking out for you,” etc.), but he follows the rules, pays taxes, and participates in a system he doesn’t truly trust or believe in. Thus, illusion of a democracy is democracy. A similar process is at work in rap: The listener, through fetishistic disavowal, doesn’t actually believe the rap, but engages anyway. And the rapper, enacting a persona in pursuit of profit, gives the people “what they want” knowing that’s what sells. On the surface it’s strictly business, normal and harmless, but through this cycle of resigned anti-participation, rap is ideologically underpinned with values that don’t genuinely belong to anyone involved. Thus, the illusion of rap is rap. A self-engendering cycle…

It’s clear then, that the solutions to problems that plague hip-hop do not reside in hip-hop as such. It’s here where we should remind ourselves of Derrida’s gesture of deconstruction. All too often when we discuss the inherent violence and materialism in rap, the issue is diverted, either by accusations of racism or the notion that those who are critical are disconnected or somehow “don’t get it.” It’s an uncomfortable, offensive conversation to have, and most people steer clear. I contend that it’s a conversation worth having precisely because of the offensive and uncomfortable deadlock it creates. By deconstructing such an argument we can reveal the artificiality that, through conceding such a premise, naturalizes the condition. “The gesture of deconstruction is to not naturalize what isn’t natural, to not assume that what is conditioned by history, institutions, or society is natural.” The “answer” then, to the problems of hip-hop is always-already at work within hip-hop. The answer is in redefining the question.

I’m hip to all the tricks of the trade
Killin’ and stealin’ and gankin’ niggas to get paid

Scarface (“Trigga Happy Nigga”)

So I gotta get paid, fully
Whether it’s truthfully or untruthfully…

Ol Dirty Bastard (“Raw Hide”)

People of color have long been the pawns of imperialism. And what drives imperialism more than the incessant accumulation of capital and concentrated ownership? Is it not the case that rap has adopted the intention of its master — even while it voices its distrust of the businessmen holding the purse strings? It’s a case of the colony transformed by the colonizer. Consider how the Reagan administration intentionally infested black communities with crack cocaine; how scientist in Tuskegee, Alabama infected poor black sharecroppers with syphilis to test the results of the disease over time; how black leaders were systematically assassinated and defamed throughout the civil rights era. Of all we’ve learned about the crimes the government perpetrated on people of color (and, assuming there are many more undisclosed truths), should we not be just as dubious of the implicit market forces that control blacks today as we were of the explicit institutional forces that controlled blacks of yesterday? Through these struggles (crack, disease, assassinations) blacks today are seemingly free from tyranny and free to speak openly. The paradox is, the symptoms of the fight for independence are largely what shape the language of the independents, which is to say, crack, murder and acts of oppression dominate the subject matter of rap. In this way rap resembles many post-colonial states — the colony’s independence signifies not a return to pre-colonial conditions, but the adoption of that very form of destruction brought by the colonizers.

It’s the ghetto life, yea I celebrate it, I live it
And all I got is what you left me with
Nas (“I Want To Talk To You”)

I’m here to deprogram you
Don’t forget what they made your great grandmamma do
What they made your great granddaddy do
Without a dollar or a penny or a thank you
The same motherfuckers wanna gank you
Cause they hate you and the pussy that you came through
Can anybody tell me that it ain’t true?

Ice Cube (“Pressure”)

From this perspective, isn’t the way in which rappers are “rewarded” similar to the systematic destruction of Native Americans in the US? After overt genocide became “unfeasible,” a series of laws and treaties isolated tribes to near extinction. Adding insult to injury and further exploiting the sovereignty of tribal land, outside interests began building casinos on reservations. Today, mobsters, lobbyists and various multinational corporations make millions from the casinos and leave the tribes to deal with the side effects of exploitation. For anyone who spends time at these casinos, the opulence of the gaming areas, hotels and restaurants is made that much more apparent by the surrounding slums of Native Americans struggling with their “sovereign” poverty, addiction and displaced territory. Though they “benefit” from the unique business opportunity of the casinos, the reservations suffer among the highest rates of poverty, unemployment, welfare dependency, school dropout and alcoholism of any community in the US. Rather than honor their treaties, we gave them casinos. In the same way, don’t we pruriently reward the self-destructive endeavor of rappers with money and fame? Rappers are made rich and famous as a resistance to being taken seriously.

It’s jiggaboo time
The Pharcyde

If you grew up with holes in your zapatos
You’d celebrate the minute you was having dough
Jay-Z (“99 Problems”)

I’m reminded here of Surrealist André Breton’s 1943 introduction to Notebook of a Return to the Native Land, Aimé Césaire’s book-length poem exploring the troubling results colonization had on Martinique. Breton, questioning the “reason” and “common sense” of colonizing a people, said, “If the slave traders have physically disappeared from the face of the earth, we can still be assured that they continue to ravage our minds where their ‘pieces of ebony’ are our dreams, more than half our nature plundered.”

Because we hate you
and your reason, we claim kinship

with dementia praecox with the flaming madness
oft persistent cannibalism
Aimé Césaire (“Notebook of a Return to the Native Land”)

Capitalism is like a spider, the web is getting tighter
I’m struggling like a fighter, just to bust loose

It’s like a noose asphyxiation sets in

Just when I think I’m free it seems to me the spider steps in

This web is made of money, made of greed, made of me
Of what I have become in a parasite economy

The Coup (“Not Yet Free”, 1993)

Considering how the colony adopts the culture of the colonialist, hasn’t the genuine intent of hip-hop been diverted? What’s more, in light of how quickly hip-hop culture was commodified by the entertainment industry isn’t this diversion two-fold? However incongruously, hip-hop found it’s footing as a marginalized youth movement (suffering racism, injustice, poverty, drugs, etc.) that was quickly transformed into a commodity, therefore its voice developed amidst a schizophrenic disassociation from itself. By evolving out of oppression, and constantly trading one object of desire for another (creating a new form of music, getting out of the ghetto, new copyright laws created to criminalize sample-based music, the prospect of social equality, fame and riches, etc.), the “state of hip-hop”, in many ways, has been in a constant state of trauma. Thus, haven’t we been living with a post-traumatic hip-hop since its birth? Nas declared Hip-Hop is Dead, but in actuality, hip-hop is undead: a living being disembodied from life.

I’m a walkin’ memorial
Jay-Z (”Hustlin’”)

You can’t kill me, I was born dead
Big L (“Put It On”)

Isn’t it exactly this schizophrenic state of dissociation that keeps rap locked in repetitious role-play? By trading one desire for another, or by constantly re-defining itself within the circulation of commodity, hip-hop is continually postponing its arrival at what it is. This is what Lacan referred to as objet petit a — the unattainable object of desire. When we confront the object of our desire, more satisfaction is gained by dancing around it than by directly engaging it. That is, desire is most satisfied by unsatisfied desire. The paradox of this kind of desire is that it is both impossible and unavoidable: it is never fully achieved, but simultaneously, never eliminated. Every obstacle to desire generates a desire for an obstacle.

How does this two-fold diversion effect rap? First, there is a conditional causality that enforces (by reward of success) the character role-play of rappers as drug dealers, killers and pimps. Second, a seductive commodfication facilitates the selling of this “character” of black culture. The effect of this double diversion leaves genuine expression lost. As a result, hip-hop, one of the most popular forms of expression in the world today, is, as Greenberg said, without innovative insight, without any investigation of unknown territories.

We be talking about the real
Motherfuckas know, that we know,

That they know, that we know the deal.

Now the originality of our principality

Is that we don’t play the pimp

But the reality of our locality (and you’ll learn this gradually)
Is that motherfuckers do this shit to pay their rent
But here’s a hint: how we gonna get it straight when we bent?

Boots Riley (“Streets of Oakland”)

How could he know what the fuck he never knew
Method Man (“Raw Hide”)

I’m not a businessman, I’m a business, man.
Jay Z (“Diamonds from Sierra Leone”)

So now you back in the trap… just that, trapped
Go on and marinate on that for a minute

Outkast (“SpottieOttieDopaliscious”)

Rap exists in the uncomfortable locality of racism, shame, privilege and indifference. Those who interact with rap (a group that includes most people) should pursue a Derridean deconstruction of what “appears fixed by custom” and is falsely naturalized by the conditions of history and institution. The uncomfortable, “naturalized” truth for white people is, simply by being white, we experience privilege in society, and this privilege is often assumed as a “neutral” state. Of course whites hold sway over everyone else. It was done by force and intimidation for centuries, and now it’s done by momentum of history, by institution and societal norms. To deny this is to ignore the obvious. With power and privilege comes the responsibility not to be callous and demeaning to everyone else, particularly not the single class (black Americans) who have been the target of abuse and discrimination for our entire existence as a nation.

Rap is caught within the coordinates of inequality, naturalized privilege, and historic reinforcement of false constructions. It is further complicated because the consumers, largely white, finds rap a source of entertainment, while the rappers themselves, largely black, find it a source of economic self-reliance. This relationship, as dubious as it is, is only made worse when considering the most “rewarding” form of rap is that which is the most harmful to blacks. Shouldn’t we see this “reward” as a more tolerant, though comparably devastating continuation of the momentum of oppression? As beneficiaries of racism — whether overt or institutional, explicit or unconscious — we whites are, sadly, not pressed to change the coordinates within which racism operates. Where there was once, in the civil rights era, a radical propulsion to dismantle the system that allowed racism to exist, today, we practice tolerance, which assuages our guilt without us having to give up any of the benefits we enjoy—benefits that directly result from centuries of racism.

This is a complicated and uncomfortable issue to disentangle, and it’s precisely entangled through capitalism, a cultural condition that shapes our consciousness. While it is an ugly endeavor for each person to undertake, the more one untangles nourished racism vis-à-vis economic exploitation, the clearer the view of his position within capitalism’s ideological indoctrination.

The fact is that in guerrilla warfare the struggle no longer concerns the place where you are, but the place where you are going. Each fighter carries his warring country between his bare toes.
Frantz Fanon (Wretched of the Earth)

I come correct and I won’t look back
Cause it ain’t where you from it’s where you at

Rakim (“In The Ghetto”)

In a coincidental convergence of real life and fiction, the character of Omar Little is a virtual retelling of the life of Dhoruba bin Wahad. The story of these two men is nearly identical; the only thing missing from Omar Little is the radical intent we find in Dhoruba bin Wahad.

Wahad, a member of the Black Panther Party and co-founder of the Black Liberation Army, served nineteen years in prison for the attempted murder of two NYPD officers before being exonerated. The conviction and its subsequent overturning was a long, complicated ordeal in which Wahad was first tried for robbing a South Bronx social club, then tried three times for shooting the officers (the first trial ended in a hung jury, the second a mistrial, until the third, final conviction). While serving his sentence, Wahad learned of a Congressional hearing that disclosed the existence of the FBI’s COINTELPRO, a covert program designed to infiltrate and destroy black radicalism in the US. In 1975, Wahad filed a lawsuit from prison, which was responsible for the disclosure of documents that detailed the activities of the COINTELPRO and much of our understanding of how corruptly involved the government was in the wrong side of civil rights. From infiltrating the Black Panther Party, to assassinating black leaders, extensive surveillance and misinformation campaigns, the COINTELPRO operated as the transgressive force that worked in conjunction with, but “behind the backs” of the government. It took fifteen years after his lawsuit was filed for Wahad’s conviction to be overturned.

The late ‘60s ushered in a new black radicalism, which simply rejected the status quo. That rejection took the form of explosive violence and riots all over the country. People of color were finished with the systematic oppression that sustained poverty, racism, intellectual pursuits, etc., and looked instead towards Marxism, socialism and communism. While the illegal operations of the COINTELPRO worked against blacks in secret, government agencies such as FEMA worked against blacks openly. Today we think of FEMA as an agency that responds to natural disasters such as hurricanes and tornadoes, but it belongs to a dubious governmental history that allows the president to enact marshal law, seize control of transportation, resources and media, suppress dissidents and create indices of suspected dissidents who can be rounded up during social unrest. In other words, FEMA acts, on one hand as an agency deployed to assist in emergency situations, and, on the other hand, deployed to suppress in emergency situations. The key, then, is how emergency is defined and who defines it?

Five damn days, five long days
And at the end of the fifth you walkin’ in like, “Hey!”
Chillin’ on his vacation, sittin’ patiently

Them black folks gotta hope, gotta wait and see
If FEMA really comes through in an emergency
But nobody seems to have a sense of urgency
Now the mayor’s been reduced to cryin’
I guess Bush said niggas been used to dyin
He said, “I know it looks bad, just have to wait”

Forgettin’ folks who too broke to evacuate
Niggaz starvin and they dyin of thirst
I bet he had to go and check on them refineries first

The Legendary K.O. (“George Bush Doesn’t Care About Black People”)

Gunned us, stunned us, exploited and they hung us
I’d like to take a moment to say, “Fuck Columbus!”

Millions off my back, the black on black crisis is a myth

The crack that did this to us was the one from the whip

The record skips cause my voice is kinda scratchy

From yelling, “Oh shit!” when Five-0 comes to harass me
They never pass me, no one to go and tell, bro
Trying to kill the movement with the new COINTELPRO

The Coup (“Dig It”)

It was people like Wahad, and organizations like the Black Liberation Army that sought to unveil the ideological underpinnings of “civilized society.” John Kennedy proposed the Civil Rights Act and championed equality, and vowed to “pay any price, bear any burden” to insure liberty, and that included covert operations such as The Bay of Pigs invasion, designed to destroy anti-capitalist movements.

The obvious problem, then, was that groups like the Black Liberation Army saw capitalism itself as the root of oppression, and Kennedy’s explicit pledge to “pay any price” for liberty implicitly included black nationalists as part of that price. Just hours after Kennedy made his famous address on civil rights, the black civil rights activist Medgar Evers was killed in his home. Is this not an extremely vulgar display of the “worth” of liberty? Kennedy demanded that it be

possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the streets

without fear of reprisal, and that

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind.

And so the coordinates were set: blacks should be free to participate economically within the capitalist system while being confined within the law. Kennedy, later in the same speech, shed light on the history of how equality was enforced:

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

Thus, the speech that enacted the Civil Rights Act also signaled a subtle shift in the oppressive forces at work within the capitalist economy. Just as Lincoln ended slavery and injustice found a way to flourish, Kennedy proposed a solution for injustice that contained a similar loophole, allowing justice to remain unjust. For liberals it seemed like a win, blacks could vote, spend money in “white only” businesses, and justice would be a little better, if not just.

Ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.
John F. Kennedy (1961 inauguration address)

Ask not what you can do for your country, but what in the fuck has it done for you?
Watts Prophets (Rappin’ Black in a White World, 1971)

Amidst the year it took for the Civil Right Bill to pass, Malcolm X delivered his famous speech, “The Ballot or the Bullet.”

You don’t have a revolution in which you love your enemy, and you don’t have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to integrate you into it. Revolutions overturn systems. Revolutions destroy systems.

For Kennedy, equality meant blacks being fully integrated into the capitalist system, while, for black radicals, equality meant completely destroying that system. For liberals comfortable within the democratic system, the “revolution” was getting the Civil Rights Bill passed, and for radicals the revolution was overthrowing the system that needed such a bill at all.

For people such as Dhoruba bin Wahad, the civil rights struggle was not a demonstration asking for a change in the law or the hope that fellow citizens recognize their rights within democracy, theirs was a total rejection of the premise of what their fellow citizens understood as democracy. And as such, their work included armed struggle. Wahad’s initial arrest, the robbery of a South Bronx club, was an Omar Little-style robbery. Wahad and the BLA were engaged in efforts to rid the inner city of drugs, which included knocking off stash spots. And what we learned from the release of the COINTELPRO documents was, instead of the police working in conjunction with black communities to keep drugs out of the ghetto, it’s the police who were collaborating with the drug traffickers, providing escort, protection and legal cover.

The interconnectedness of politicians, gangsters and the media is part of what makes The Wire arguably the best show in the history of television. And Omar Little is a big part of what makes the show so interesting. Omar is a gay, black, homeless Robin Hood of the inner city who lives by a strict code of principles (“rip and run” — only robbing drug dealers, do no dirt on Sundays, “it ain’t about the money”). Existing outside the law, faithful to a code, anti-materialistic, completely fearless, drug free, Omar is almost the consummate revolutionary character. The only thing missing from his canon of ethics is any sense of nationalism or radical emancipatory intent. Looking comparatively at Wahad and Little, they both enact a fearless Robin Hood set of principles, but Wahad is driven by radical politics while Little is driven by radical individualism. It’s interesting then that damn near everyone on the planet (including President Obama) can agree that Omar is the most fascinating, well-liked character, yet, when we look at the characteristics of Wahad, we get squeamish.

What do [young black men in the inner city] know? How to rob, steal and kill. What did Columbus know? And what is in the best tradition of capitalism in this society? …This is something that is as integral to the United States as breathing. I do not have a stake in saving a racist nation. I do not have a stake in maintaining American hegemony over people of color around the world; I do not have an interest in maintaining this system that causes the misery of billions of people…
Dhoruba bin Wahad (PBS, “The Issue is Race”)

It ain’t what you takin’, it’s who you takin’ from, ya feel me? How you expect to run with the wolves come night when you spend all day sparring with the puppies?
Omar Little (The Wire, “Home Rooms”)

Omar’s violent radicalism is enacted within the constellation of democratic morality (“sure the world’s not perfect, and people are going to take matters into their own hand sometimes, but somehow, some way, justice will prevail”), while Wahad’s violent radicalism is aimed specifically at the system which sustains an unjust democratic morality. Doesn’t the character of Omar, then, work in much the same way as rappers who engage role-play when they portray themselves as murderers, dealers and pimps? Rather than directly engaging the object of desire (injustice), and thereby finding fulfillment, the desire is reborn time and again in its own unfulfillment. In other words, isn’t Omar, by attacking one of the symptoms of injustice (drug dealers) rather than the disease itself (an unjust system), sparring with puppies?

The subtle shift from Dhoruba bin Wahad to Omar Little disconnects the radical activity from its radical intent, leaving in its place a prolonging of the conditions of oppression. Omar is radical in many ways, radical in his popularity, radical in his extremity, radical in his portrayal, but completely stripped of any radical emancipatory politics, and therefore, left radically impotent.

Got more dope than a pharmacy, hoe
Got a job for the city, bitch, I’m shoveling snow


That’s that crack music nigga
That real black music nigga
Kanye West

Fresh out the fryin’ pan, into the fire
I be the music biz’s number one supplier


All in the game, yo, all in the game
Omar Little

It is Omar’s impotence that allows him to be popular instead of loathed, in the same way rappers such as Ice-T, Jay-Z, Too Short, 50 Cent, Ice Cube, Gucci Mane, Tupac, and so on, are made celebrities and criminals simultaneously. Their cultural weight as a celebrity is voided by their criminality. Conversely, their criminal record taints their integrity. It’s all part of the continually unfulfilled desire, all, as Omar says, “part of the game.”

Isn’t it this same perpetuation of unattainable desire that makes The Wire such a powerful show? Don’t we, as viewers, engage in a similar fetishistic disavowal while watching? That is, the show obviously deals with “real world” issues; there are endless examples of Wire-esque incidents in daily life: crooked cops, corrupt politicians, media deception, people struggling against oppression, etc., and the conclusion of the series brutally confronts us with the truth that there is no end: corrupt politicians stay in power, journalists lie and win the Pulitzer, drug dealers who die are replaced by other drug dealers, and so on. We are overwhelmed by the fact that the world is bad, shit is fucked up, people are dying, we’re being lied to, and yet we actively disavow the actual state of things. The Wire is so good because it has so little fiction, and it allows us, through a subtle shift in our resigned cynicism, to believe that by enjoying the show we are actually part of the solution to the problems the show so engagingly articulates. With The Wire as our voice, we “speak out” about societal ills, much in the same way that by studiously lapping-up the mass-marketed “black” culture, we avoid actual interaction with blacks. Put another way, in having The Wire affirm, quite publicly, our view of all that’s wrong in the world, we get some satisfaction that all these “dirty little secrets” are exposed, when, in fact what happens is the dirty secrets, societal ills, are absorbed back into society as commodities and re-sold to us. We take the poison as the cure.

For an hour of television that is equally as unsettling as The Wire, check out the 1992 PBS special, “The Issue is Race,” hosted by Phil Donahue, in which Dhoruba bin Wahad debates among an extensive panel of professionals about racism in America. Many, if not all, of the issues inherent in The Wire are explicitly discussed among the panel. And isn’t it precisely the radical emancipatory intent that Wahad levels in reaction to his fellow panelists that causes Donahue to call him “angry” and “hateful”? Compare Wahad’s discussion on the panel with “All Prologue,” the episode of The Wire in which we learn a great deal about Omar’s code. In the episode, Omar testifies against Bird, a drug dealer who murdered his boyfriend. Before taking the stand Omar corrects a court bailiff who mistakes Mars for Ares as the Greek god of war, which reveals to us that Omar is well schooled in myths and legends. On the stand Omar is called an “amoral parasite” by opposing counsel and accused of “feeding off the violence and the despair of the drug trade,” and “stealing from those who themselves are stealing the lifeblood from our city.” Omar retorts, “Just like you, man.”

In much the same way, Omar’s testifying against Bird contains the same critique against the capitalist system as Wahad’s statement on “The Issue is Race.” The difference, of course, is that Wahad’s object of desire is a radical emancipatory process, and Omar’s is to avenge his dead lover. Omar’s code, strict as it is, is devoid of political content, and impotent beyond his personal constellation. In other words, the Omar character functions within the coordinates of “right and wrong” in an exploitative capitalist economy, he administers justice within justice, where justice is unjustly blind — it’s all part of the game.

That is why President Obama could cite Omar Little as his favorite character and The Wire as his favorite television show. Consider, however, if the Omar character possessed Wahad’s political intent, if, for example, he not only went after drug dealers, but bank executives, developers, corporate tycoons, oil barons, legislatures, lobbyists, presidents, etc. That is to say, if Omar Little radically redefined the constellation in which we understood exploitation, pulled the symbolic veil off of capitalist ideology, president Obama would likely condemn such a character.

Is this impotence also not at play in the way Obama, back in 2008, announced — through discussing what was on his iPod — that he was a fan of Jay-Z, qualifying the compliment by both admonishing the misogyny and materialism and circumscribing rap within capitalist coordinates:

What I’ve appreciated, watching this hip-hop generation, is to see how entrepreneurial they’ve been. In the past, musicians oftentimes were commodities. They were just shuffled around. Obviously, they did well, but they didn’t have the vision to say, “I’m going to build a business. I’m going to build my own studio. I’m going to create my own production operations.” I think they’re a lot more sophisticated than in the past, and that is a wonderful thing.
Barack Obama

Misogyny, materialism and economic exploitation are unacceptable, but such exploitations combined with an “entrepreneurial spirit” within the capitalist system are acceptable? It’s easy to make the argument that musicians (especially rappers) are still treated as commodities, while the handful of entrepreneurial rappers who’ve become millionaires serve a symbolic function to sustain the unattainable desire for those still oppressed by commodification.

Talal Asad, in his book, Is Critique Secular, contrasts how seduction is treated between Islam and the liberal West. For instance, the West condemns rape but celebrates seduction, while in Islam, seduction is considered the worse act. Asad claims, “To seduce is to incite someone to open up his or her innermost self to images, sounds, and words offered by the seducer and to lead the seduced — complicitly or unwittingly — to an end first conceived by the former.” Television, film and advertising seduce viewers towards a “choice” of commodities. In liberal societies seduction is a key component of commodification; everyone is the victim of external stimuli, manipulated by the seductive forces of capital circulation. The customs, standards, tastes, sense of honor, notion of good and evil, are all permeated with the value created by this production process — lubricated by seduction. The paradox, then, is Western liberal society is perverse and corrupt, relying on seduction to attain its political and economic goals, while at the same time, it publicly admonishes the practices resulting from such perversions and corruptions.

Black radicalism was subverted with seduction. Ice Cube’s “I Wanna Kill Sam” (a call for overthrowing the government along the lines of Galleani’s propaganda by the deed) ends with a sample reinforcing the sentiment (“We’ve gone nowhere in 200 years?” — “That’s correct.”). The sample repeats as the song fades, and it’s clear why “The Man” deserves to buckle (“I wanna kill Sam ‘cause he ain’t my motherfuckin’ uncle!”). Instead of blacks overthrowing the government, beheading the tyrants and rising out of systematic oppression and institutional racism, Ice Cube was made rich and famous as a resistance to being taken seriously, and now stars in the “fun for the whole family” film, Are We There Yet? The seduction that undermined his political intent was always-already in the way of his prophetic rage.

Isn’t this veil of seduction that is draped over our view of society extremely detrimental to the women in rap? Haven’t we witnessed a post-feminist redefinition of equality — specifically, by the women of rap themselves seductively delivering an antifeminist message? Wasn’t this process, from feminism to its opposite, a process that went on “behind the backs,” and was, as Marx said, apparently “fixed by custom?”

The symbolic neutering that happened to black radicalism in the late ‘70s attacked feminism in the ‘80s. Consider when second-wave feminism radically re-plotted the coordinates of society’s understanding of decency, forcing the public to confront its inherent inequality. Groups such as the Jane Collective (who performed underground abortions before Roe v. Wade), New York Radical Women, and The Stanton-Anthony Brigade forced radical critique through gesture in much the same way as Dhoruba bin Wahad and the BLA. One of the gestures of radical feminism was exposure, literally, exposing one’s body, to subvert domination and deflate men’s control over what’s decent and “lady like.” Exposing oneself pulls back the symbolic veil that keeps people at a distance from that which they unconsciously participate in. Artists like Hannah Wilke, Judy Chicago and the Heresies Collective all used the female body, themselves, as weapons. The nudity wasn’t only to draw attention, but more, to reflect the prejudices always-already in societal customs, standards, notions of good and evil, and so on. The actions of the radical feminists proved a transgressive mirror of the unchallenged assumptions of male dominance, heterosexuality, monogamy, pornography, and sex-roles.

Isn’t there an abundance of facile rationalizations about the kind of post-feminist art that uses the same nudity of the subversive second-wave without any of the intent? In place of transgression, we get repurposed seduction; in place of subversion, we get affirmation of male dominance, heterosexuality, pornography, etc.; in place of inventive insight we get more boobs, bigger boobs, real boobs… The series of subtle shifts, from the radical gesture of shocking the public by defying norms to the seductive gesture of shocking the public into participating in commerce, went on behind our backs. This is evidenced today by how few women identify themselves as feminists; how a reckless past is viewed with scorn for women and how such a past, for men, is a capstone, a tale worthy of their eulogy; how women in the arts are regularly objectified, and the majority of women in popular culture all conform to a set of “sexy” standards. There is a certain style of discussing this lack of insight, and its first pitch is usually a moronic statement such as, “Isn’t it interesting…” followed by a totally uninteresting recycling of banalities. We witness this phenomenon when the forces working against women are veiled and, instead of revealing them, we’re offered an “interesting” view of the positive aspects of an overwhelmingly negative situation. For example, a blow-by-blow of Lady Gaga’s “Paparazzi” video ends with, “isn’t it interesting to see the idea of a strong — yet hurt — woman?” Really? Isn’t this what we see everywhere, every day, in the marginalized and oppressed? What’s “interesting” is how we’ve come to see subjugation as entertainment.

Check the booty, yo, it’s kinda soft, and
If you touch, you livin’ in a coffin
I’m in the ‘90s, you’re still in the ’80s, right?
I rock the mic, they say I’m not lady like
But I’ma lady, who will pull a stunt though
I kill suckas and even hit the blunt, so…

Yo-Yo (“You Can’t Play With My Yo-Yo”)

I don’t want my kids to see me getting beat down
By daddy smacking mommy all around
You say I’m nothing without ya, but I’m nothing with ya
A man don’t really love you if he hits ya
This is my notice to the door, I’m not taking it no more
I’m not your personal whore, that’s not what I’m here for

Queen Latifah (“U.N.I.T.Y.”)

The backlash against feminism coincided with hip-hop’s absorption into popular culture, and it’s from this convergence where we should view women in hip-hop. From the earliest female rappers (Roxanne Shanté, MC Lyte, Sha-Rock, Salt-n-Pepa, Queen Latifah, Dimples D, Yo-Yo, etc.), the ground on which they stood was in defense of who they were. Most of the early raps were women rebuffing advances of horny men (e.g., all the “answer” records, the male/female duets fueled by back and forth sexist jabs, etc.). What started as a defense of subjugation and resistance against inequality soon took the form of sublimation into the dominant archetype. By the mid-‘90s we had gone from Latifah’s “who you callin’ bitch” to Foxy Brown’s “who’s got the illest pussy on the planet?”

Look I ain’t tryin’ to suck ya, I might not even fuck ya
Just lay me on this bed and give me some head

Got the camcorder layin’ in the drawer where he can’t see
Can’t wait to show my girls he sucked the piss out my pussy

Lil’ Kim (“Suck My Dick”)

Not on the bed, lay me on your sofa
Call before you come, I need to shave my cho-cha
You do or you don’t, or you will or you won’tcha
Go downtown and eat it like a vulture

Missy Elliott (“Work It”)

“Isn’t it interesting,” then, how Missy Elliott’s “Work It” video, for example, uses seductive clichés (a “back to the old school” nod, fanciful choreography, cutting-edge video technology, celebrity cameos, etc.) as a smokescreen to obscure the fact that Elliott hits all the anti-feminist G-spots. Commercial seduction and popularity remove the thorns, allowing us to celebrate that which we would condemn if it were presented as a social issue: men don’t like fat women; if he’s drunk you might seem more like Halle Berry, thus, more fuckable—it’s only rape if he says no; and rather than “respect yourself,” adopt the male attitude and offer a seductive challenge: “you think you can handle this pussy?”

With the help of a Timbaland beat, “Work It” stayed in the Top 5 for ten weeks. “Isn’t it interesting” how seduction allows this backslide (from the ‘80s stance of constant defense, to this if-you-can’t-beat-‘em-type capitulation) that makes losing ground not only acceptable, but cool, fun and popular? The song purports to be a “return to the old school,” while in actuality, it’s a seductively disguised redefinition of the old school.

The foggy lens through which women are encouraged to see the dismantling of their rights as a way to “enjoy” a “return to the old school” is a favorite tactic of Sarah Palin. For instance, Palin believes in overturning Roe v. Wade as a way for women to “enjoy” more “rights,” by way of making it a state issue — a return to smaller government is better for everyone!

The typical counterargument against pointing out such ideological indoctrination is, “Relax, it’s just a song.” This opposition, in large part, is a function of seduction, which, through ideological mystification, engages the listener in disorientated adherence to principles they abhor. As consumers, we’re stuck between an oppositional tugging of fantasy (“can you handle this pussy?”) and a conservative morality that acts as ballast (e.g., the PMRC, RIAA, FCC). We use an outside agency to temper, to keep us tethered to our principles as we fetishize, demoralize and subjugate women. All under the seductive disposition, “it’s just a song.”

And isn’t it precisely this opposition that is always-already present in commercial ideology? At the unconscious level, people enjoy these songs by allowing themselves an exception for what they would otherwise find offensive.

Think of the veil that commodity stretches across popular songs: “It’s Hard Out Here For a Pimp,” “Get Low,” “Nuthin’ But A G Thang,” “Rumpshaker,” “U and Dat,” “Brass Monkey,” “Buy U A Drank,” “Super Bass,” etc. What would happen if one made a pronouncement similar to any of these songs, stripped away from the seductiveness of the song? Taking “Brass Monkey,” for example: to sincerely advocate drugging a woman in order to fuck her would surely cause outrage. When such acts are presented to us as news, we are outraged; yet, we all enjoy singing along to “Brass Monkey.” I use this vulgar simplification not as a condemnation of rap, but as an illustration of how even our basic shared pleasures are ideologically indoctrinated, a product of commercial exchange. Without seductive allure as a lubricant, wouldn’t much of what we enjoy repulse us?

Returning to Missy Elliott, Under Construction, the album that contains “Work It,” is a perfect example of how this antifeminist ideology comes bundled as its opposite. The other single from the album, “Pussycat,” is a call to Elliott’s own vaginal superpowers in order to override her man’s inherent propensity to fuck around. The chorus:

Pussy don’t fail me now
I gotta turn this nigga out
So he don’t want nobody else

Similar to “Work It,” Missy Elliott ends the track by speaking directly to the listener after the music ends, an informal address to the audience. Elliott’s justification of “Pussycat” as a women’s issue works as a seductive counteragent against the thrust of the song:

… I just wanna talk about how people always say
“Yo, that’s too nasty!” and “why your mouth so vulgar?”

“Why you gotta sing all these nasty records?” and all that
But I be representing the ladies
And we got something to say
We been quiet too long; lady-like, very patient…
We always had to deal with the guy, you know,

Talking about how they gonna wear us out on records
And you know, I had to do records that
Strictly representing for my ladies

And how to keep your man,
Keep his eyes from wandering, looking around
Sex is not a topic that we should always

Sweep underneath the rug
And I’m not saying go out and do itBut if you do:
Strap it up before you smack it up, flip it, slow it down
Oh nooo!

As an ideological whole, the song lays the responsibility for the man’s monogamy in the power of the woman’s pussy, and this excessively antifeminist position is couched in Missy’s post-song chat as a woman’s reclaiming of her place in hip-hop. To boot, she leans to the conservative right with her admission that there’s a time and place for discussing sex, and then leans to the liberal left by advocating condoms. It’s a clusterfuck of bi-partisan positions tugging against one another, a pro-pussy-cum-antifeminist anthem! The single was released with little controversy, and the lack of astonishment isn’t astonishing if you consider the constant bombardment of seduction that surrounds us: media, politics, business, art, etc. We freely “enjoy” this seduction as it incites us, as Talal Asad said, to open our innermost selves — complicitly or unwittingly — towards a “choice” of commodities.

Doesn’t the lack of astonishment, of any critical consideration, prove how cynically resigned we are to the seductive lure of commodification? And isn’t it obvious, that, in order for commercial intercourse to maintain the constant cycle of profit, the degree of absurdity has to constantly increase and shift to keep us freshly enticed? It’s from this position — a state of constant bombardment, constant intrusion, constant seduction, constant absurdity — that we interact with today’s rap.

Much attention is currently focused on “the future of hip-hop.” The two most discussed acts at the front of this futuristic vanguard are Lil B and Odd Future (including Tyler, the Creator, Earl Sweatshirt and Frank Ocean, among others). The future that Lil B and Odd Future represent, while at a distance from the disagreeable aspects of crack rap, seems to be filled with other disagreeable elements that have the world atwitter. Both Lil B and Odd Future have saturated social media, and fans are friends, and friends see the uncensored “truth” of the artist(s). An uproar has been made about the crazy antics of these new rap icons: rapping about Ellen Degeneres, the “Free Earl” campaign, Tyler eating bugs, going nuts on Jimmy Fallon, everyone being called “faggot,” satanic regalia, and, more than anything, a joyful irreverence for anyone who may get their feelings hurt in the process. The consensus is these kids just don’t give a fuck. Their raps are crazy, random, stream-of-consciousness, vibrant with the overwhelming exuberance of youth. The humor is lowbrow and a close relation to skate punks of decades past. Doesn’t this “new” form of rap share in all the seductive commodification with its predecessors minus the gruesome gangster/crack aspects?

I would argue that what’s being argued as what’s new about these rap groups is not new at all. What is new, however, is rap is finally elevated to a place within the commercial market that has previously been the domain of a largely white set. The biggest difference I see is, instead of representing the customary crack dealer/gun slinger fans have come to expect from rap, Odd Future (and to a lesser degree, Lil B) are conformingly non-conformist in the fashion of trendsetting indie rock groups. Rather than adopting the host of blaxploitation clichés, they have adopted “new” clichés from the wealth of abhorrent skateboarders and drunken “punks” (Anti-Hero, Dogtown, the Norwegian black metal scene, G.G. Allin, Suicidal Tendencies, Marilyn Manson, Nine Inch Nails, Nirvana, etc.).

While this does appear like the beginning of a new black aesthetic, transitioning away from gangsterism, it’s informed by the same misogyny, homophobia, violence and materialism. The commercial potential is good, contrary to music writers who are quick to point out how the groups are “risky,” and how “scared as fuck” major labels are of the groups. This “future” of rap will inevitably be profitable because it tremendously expands the reach of “past” rap by simultaneously combining the rap market with that of angry teenage rockers and the hipster forefront. Simultaneous columns at Pitchfork, The Fader, The New Yorker, XXL, Complex, Billboard, NPR, Rolling Stone and CNN all attest, it’s a Diplo-like mash-up of repurposed spectacle disguised as new territory. To be more precise, the subtle shift in this case went from gangster rappers who played a role, representing something authentic, to the “future” of rap, authentically detached from what they represent. Gone are the days when rappers need defend themselves with, “it’s just a character I play in my raps.” Today, as Tyler exemplifies, their vindication is played on the offense, “You fucking stupid faggots, you can’t read between the lines? I ain’t gonna spell it out for you motherfuckers all the time…”

These “new” aspects of rap were established years ago. Specifically, we’ve been witness to the same level of vulgarity (notably with Too Short, Geto Boys, Ice-T, Eminem and 2 Live Crew), as well as abhorrent subject matter from those seemingly on the outside, or “underground” (notably Aesop Rock, Atmosphere, Anticon, El-P, etc). With Lil B and Odd Future, the delineation between insiders and outsiders is obscured, partly, I would guess, because rap is now ubiquitous in our culture. Problematic, however, is the implicit issue of race that largely maintained the delineation of years past. In a recent Pitchfork article comparing Tyler and Eminem, the race-related double standard is illustrated clearly, “…even at his most debased, Eminem never quite made skin crawl the way Tyler can.”

Isn’t the most shocking aspect about “the future of hip-hop” that it’s being led by self-determined blacks who are making their own decisions, and not that the subject matter is somehow more debased? Because, when we compare the lyrical content of these black futurists to their white predecessors, there isn’t a striking difference.

I went to John’s rave with Ron and Dave
And met a new wave blonde babe with half of her head shaved
A nurse aid who came to get laid and tied up
With first aid tape and raped on the first date

Susan — an ex-heroin addict who just stopped using
Who love booze and alternative music
Told me she was going back into using again
I said, “Wait, first try this hallucinogen
It’s better than heroin, Henn, the booze or the gin

Eminem (“My Fault”, 1999)

I blame it on the model broad with the Hollywood smile, aww
Stripper booty and a rack like wow, Brain like Berkeley
Met her at Coachella, I went to see Jigga, she went to see Z Trip, perfect
I took a seat on the ice cold lawn, she handed me a ice blue bong, whatever
She said she wanna be a dentist really badly, she’s in school payin’

For tuition doin’ porn in the Valley, at least you workin’
But girl I can’t feel my face, what are we smokin’ anyway
She said don’t let the high go to waste, but can you taste a little taste

Frank Ocean (“Novacane”, 2011)

Thinking of Greenberg’s argument as it relates to the seduction of commodity, isn’t it true that we often mistake scandal for the exploration of unknown territories, and spectacle for genuine insight? If an artist, such as Odd Future, relies on the insights of the past and, as a result, creates controversy, we often mistake this demoralizing reaction for a sign of the artist’s visionary prescience. But isn’t it true, if we look back through the annals of controversy, Odd Future proves a simulacrum of Geto Boys, 2 Live Crew, Gwar, Slayer, etc. As a result, there exists little real insight, the artist is propelled into popularity instead of being taken seriously, and the public, as unwitting participants in this cyclical simulacrum, feel validated to see such “controversial” artists become wildly popular. Thinking of controversial figures of the past (Courtney Love, Marilyn Manson, Britney Spears, Ice-T, Keith Richards, Madonna, Nikki Sixx, etc.), and their presence as fixtures in culture today, we can see such behavior, not as controversial, but instead, as a stepping-stone to success. It’s the object of unattainable desire, constantly tickled, that keeps these acts just dangerous enough, but still within the constellation of commodity, to make them bankable.

Novocane, baby, baby, Novocane, baby, I want you
Fuck me good, fuck me long, fuck me numb
Love me now, when I’m gone, love me none
Love me none, love me none, numb, numb, numb, numb

—Frank Ocean

Hello, hello, hello, how low…
With the lights out, it’s less dangerous

Here we are now, entertain us
I feel stupid, and contagious
Here we are now, entertain us


We witness the obscene over-indulgence of these artists, watching them reveal their solipsistic immaturities, mistaking this narcissism for daring vision. And this self-indulgent naiveté we mistake for epiphany operates as a kind of prideful self-consciousness. Exorcising the personal in this way fails to lead into unknown territories because it lacks a genuine attitude towards creative substance, and instead, relies on form, on gossip column seduction. This formula functions as a kind of excessive display of self-ignorance, keeps the artist facing backward, away from the future, and this narcissism mistaken for exploration results in turmoil, scandal, anger. The artist, rewarded for excessively purging what’s personal, lashes out at those who’ve meddled in his intimate affairs, which he shared willingly to begin with:

Since birth I’ve been cursed with this curse to just curse
And just blurt this berserk and bizarre shit that works

And it sells and it helps in itself to relieve

All this tension dispensing these sentences

Getting this stress that’s been eating me recently

Off of this chest, and I rest again peacefully

But at least have the decency in you

To leave me alone, when you freaks see me out

In the streets when I’m eating or feeding my daughter

To not come and speak to me
I don’t know you and no
I don’t owe you a motherfucking thing

Eminem (“The Way I Am”, 2000)

What the fuck I look like saying I’m sorry
To a bunch of fucking fags that can potentially harm me?
I ain’t never gonna bow down to your expectations
By the way, I got sixty fucking Wolves that’ll guard me

That skate hard, Thrash black hoodies, try something

Make sure your fuckin’ feelings end up up in a Glad bag

Fuck all your opinions, I’m tyin’ ‘em with a shoestring
And fuck the fat lady, it’s over when all the kids sing

Tyler, The Creator (“Goblin”, 2011)

And isn’t it here, in the reaction against what the audience sees as “what makes the artist tick,” that the artist reflexively opposes himself, as if for the first time seeing his reflection? Whether consciously or unwittingly, the artist participated in a formula of excessive narcissism, which came seductively disguised as creative substance, only to see it reflected in culture as a shallow parody. Either because what the audience sees as “what makes the artist tick” is not what actually makes the artist tick, or because the artist realizes he himself doesn’t know what makes him tick. The adherence to a seductive formula, whether deliberate or not, renders the artist impotent. And isn’t the predictability of such “controversial” artists a sign of their work being ensnared in the ideology of capital?

In the mass media there’s been a concerted effort to circumscribe Odd Future within a nebulous “punk” realm, whether it’s their miscreant performances, self-releasing albums, or their unpredictable behavior. Detractors, on the other hand, cite the predictability of their unpredictability as a sign that the Odd Future is the same as the odd past. Aren’t both sides of the “Odd Future are Punk as Fuck” debate missing the inherent, oppression-informed, foundation where punk found it’s footing?

First, we take a close comparative look at the roots of punk and hip-hop. As a largely white movement, punk was born in rebellion of popular culture, from within popular culture. Punk started with access, with all the benefits of cultural inclusion, and then rejected that culture, and moved to the margins of society. Rap, on the other hand, was largely black, and born in the margins, excluded from popular culture, tenaciously fighting the forces of oppression to be included within popular culture. Both movements have grown and morphed and become part of popular culture, but they still remain inherently informed by these distinctly contrastive origins.

Second, we should pay attention to how popular culture’s language of punk (“Odd Future’s visual sensibility looks more like something from an ’80s punk demo”), excludes the transgressive catalyst of punk. What is punk in popular culture is the image that’s been codified as punk. In other words, commercial “punk” is a commodity that evokes the philosophy of punk, but as a commercial product, lacks the anti-commercial intent.

There have been many forms and sounds to punk rock, but generally, punk can be defined by an impetus to act as a subversive counterweight to social order. By nature, then, in its rejection of the mainstream cultural agenda, punk didn’t care about popular culture because it operated within its own independent, alternative culture. It’s no surprise then, that when mainstream culture adopted punk, it was in the form of an “alternative” music genre, devoid of an oppositional intent. When mainstream culture sought to co-opt the network of independent record labels that operated outside the media conglomerates, “indie” culture was born, a dollhouse version of mainstream culture with a punk veneer: punk publicists, punk managers, punk lawyers, punk A&R men, punk accountants, punk salesmen, etc. In the process of condensing punk into a commodity, mainstream culture filtered out the essence of punk. In other words, punks didn’t need lawyers and accountants, so a “punk lawyer” is not only oxymoronic, but also patently pro-asshole!

While there are punks who are reactionary, there are many who rebel simply by ignoring mainstream culture. Having a publicist, an accountant, a lawyer, are all ways of facilitating involvement with mainstream culture. By simply ignoring the culture, punks enjoy a great deal of freedom. Of course, being on the outside means those within mainstream culture are unchecked in what they believe. This un-involvement explains the lack of information as well as the misinformation that exists regarding punk in popular culture.

Comparatively, the most reactionary faction of punk are those that have become part of the consciousness of mainstream culture (e.g., Sex Pistols, Dead Kennedys, Bad Brains, Black Flag, The Germs). It is precisely the controversy and spectacle of these groups that inform popular culture’s branding of punk: crazy haircuts, drug abuse, incendiary behavior, and so on. When the behavior of this reactionary excess is re-enacted outside punk it lacks the inherent principle of rejection, and it becomes simple spectacle. When we look at the “punk” behavior of groups like Odd Future, we can see that their behavior is part of a system of explicit rules that comes bundled with implicit transgressions, and as such, is not punk, but, not transgressive at all.

Within our culture we are regulated by a system of explicit laws and norms, which forbid certain behaviors, actions, trespasses, etc. These explicit prohibitions are balanced with implicit allowances, which generally go unspoken. Our understanding of, and participation in society is framed within this system of explicit prohibitions and their implicit permissions.

We have cops that protect us and keep order, though we see time and again how cops transgress the law, cause us harm, and go unpunished. The public exchange — the question, “How are you?” And the answer, “Fine, and you?” — is a hollow formality that is required etiquette, but meant to be disregarded; answering the question honestly would be impolite. The “don’t ask, don’t tell” era of military service allowed homosexuality but forbade discussion of homosexuality. In civil society, homosexuality is explicitly tolerated, while homosexuals are routinely discriminated or assaulted; in the obverse, homosexual behavior, jokes and rituals are routinely enacted as a practice of heterosexual solidarity.

Through this process of indoctrination, then, we learn that the social system as it functions within capitalism is not to be taken seriously. The best citizens of such a society are those that can move about with an ironic distance, ignoring some rules while obeying others. In the landscape of music there is a similar framing that clearly lays out the rules and subtly allows for transgressions. The way popular culture defines “radical” and “groundbreaking” artists works within the parameters of implicit allowances of explicit prohibitions. The portrayal of a rock star (throwing a television through a hotel room window, infidelities, drug abuse, unprovoked exclamations, etc.) is a portrayal that complies with the implicit allowances of culture’s explicit prohibitions.

How can one be truly radical then? In two ways, either by playing strictly by the rules (obeying the rules completely, ignoring the implicit allowances), or, completely ignoring the rules and their implicit allowances. Isn’t this why we find, for example, those who refuse to jaywalk completely strange? It’s as if they are foreigners, and not familiar with the customs of our culture. Conversely, aren’t those who completely ignore cultural customs equally off-putting? Fugazi, for example, are often derided (even called “non-punk”) for stopping shows when attendants slam dance or stage dive. We look with suspicion on those who disregard custom, not because we don’t agree generally with their beliefs, but simply because of our secret (perhaps unconscious) conviction that such customs can’t be changed. Isn’t it exactly punk rock, then, to subvert a punk custom (slam dancing/stage diving), challenging its validity as a function of form?

If we look again at Odd Future, with this specific understanding of how our culture is shaped by custom, isn’t the controversy enacted actually quite conventional? Tyler, throwing a milkshake from the window of his manager’s Porsche SUV at a group of “respectably dressed people,” is exemplary of the implicit permissions that work beneath explicit prohibitions. Same with causing a “riot” on the Jimmy Fallon show, making a video depicting a rape fantasy, outrageous statements on twitter, and so on. Further, all such permissible “controversy” is enacted within the sphere of capital (from the window of a manager’s SUV, on a commercial television network, a music video, social media), and, as such, is a product of seduction, which serves to increase the value of the commodity.

Considering the universal hostility leveled against the most transgressive punk groups (Swans, Whitehouse, Crass, Suicide, Rapeman), we can see clearly that, besides the shocking spectacle, they functioned as an emetic, a mirror of societal horrors, specifically in the way they ignored the explicit prohibitions and implicit permissions of culture. Isn’t this precisely why so many of these groups were labeled racist, fascist, sexist, etc.? Because their reenactment of the prurience and violence of society, enacted outside the system of commodification, lacked the veil of commercial seduction. Without the sugar of seduction, reflecting the bitter pill of our culture’s ills is often viewed as criminal.

You nearly drove me crazy in your asshole schools
Grooming us all to be fucking fools

Working for the government as zombie tools
But we won’t be satisfied till we trash your rules
Put a gun in my back and I’ll do what you say

But I’ll burn down your house if I get away

Throw me in jail and I’ll spit in your face
‘Cause anarchy is gonna take your fucking place

—The Crucifucks
(“Democracy Spawns Bad Taste”)

Well since the days when I was shittin’ in diapers
It was evident the President didn’t like us
Assassination attempts I’d root for the snipers
My teacher told me that I didn’t know what right was
Well she was wrong cause I knew what a right was
And a left and an uppercut, too

I had a hunch a sucker punch is what my people got
That’s why I was constantly red, black, and blue

The Coup (“Not Yet Free”)

For rap to enact a truly radical standpoint, then, would involve asking for more of the same. That is, what we see in radicals, as they walk headlong into universal hostility, demanding the impossible, is a confrontation with that which the rest of us (outsiders) believe can’t be changed. And it’s this mode of radical recklessness, void of commercial seduction, where blacks have found not only universal hostility, but poverty, prison and assassination. Beyond the spectacle of the controversy it causes, this form of radicalism in rap, a music born of the marginalized, when it represents the marginalized, is, in a way, bound to fail. Look at groups like The Coup, whose first album, Kill My Landlord, was a blueprint for insurgency. The album confronts all of society with it’s own inherent inequities, calls into question the habits, norms and pastimes of culture, and demands the impossible; it opens the gates of hell, as it were, inviting condemnation.

It’s no surprise that rap artists like The Coup, Dead Prez, Paris and Point Blankk Range are plagued with failures in the music industry, as they are not, as Mac Dre said, “playing the game like it’s supposed to be played.” The language of capital inscribes these kinds of artists in a way that seductively codes their intent as a failed model of business (e.g., “unable to break out,” “underdeveloped,” “critically slept on,” etc.). But if we compare this “failure” to the “success” of similar artists who tempers a radical message with the seductive lure of capital, we see the same game being played the way it’s always been played. Take, for example, Killer Mike, who has won a Grammy, enjoys the riches and reach of being on a major label, and is quite critical of capitalism. For anyone who pays attention, Killer Mike clearly articulates the fearlessness of revolutionaries like Malcolm X or Fred Hampton. What’s different, however, is Mike’s revolutionary erudition is balanced with that which, as Mike says, “makes violence more graphic.”

And the whole world loves it when you’re in the news
And the whole world loves it when you sing the blues

Outkast ft. Killer Mike (“The Whole World”)

Slaves are generally expected to sing as well as to work
Frederick Douglass (My Bondage and My Freedom)

To be clear, this line of thought is not following the well-traveled false dichotomy of “true hip-hop” versus the “sell-out” rappers. It’s precisely not that Killer Mike or Outkast are sell-outs while The Coup and Dead Prez are true hip-hop revolutionaries. The truth lies in rejecting the premise of such narrow options. What all these artists vocalize quite clearly is that they are advocates for the underdog. It’s been nearly a half-century since we lost Malcolm X and Dr. King, and the principles those leaders fought for are still priorities today. What does this tell us? Clearly, it’s a sign that the systems of law, legislation and reform are not working very well, if at all? What impelled Malcolm X impels Killer Mike. Whether it’s Bobby Hutton, Rodney King, Oscar Grant or countless others, every era has blacks who are senselessly sacrificed. If the capitalist system, by design, is built to sustain such wicked conditions, than isn’t participating in such a system just a way of sustaining those conditions? To think of rap interacting with the entertainment industry, one should think of rap (as the advocate of the underdog) being always-already infected with its counteragent (a system that works to marginalize). The view of rap artists, then, shouldn’t be framed in seeing some (such as The Coup) as radicals, and others (such as Outkast) as non-radicals, but instead, seeing all of them as precisely not radical enough.

The question is what is more radical than what these artists already do? What can be done? What is there left to do? The answer is clear, to do nothing…

It is better to do nothing than to contribute to the invention of formal ways of rendering visible that which Empire already recognizes as existent.
Alain Badiou (Fifteen Theses on Contemporary Art)

It must be rather grim to hope for nothing except that life might continue indefinitely in its present course.
Jean-Paul Sartre (The Reprieve)

Our silence will speak louder than the voices you strangle today.
August Spies (Last words before being hanged)

It is a question not of elaborating the spectacle of refusal, but rather of refusing the spectacle.
Raoul Vaneigem (Fifth SI Conference, Göteborg, Sweden, 1961)

How can doing nothing be radical? The main threat today is not a lack of activity, a lack of participation. There is activity and participation everywhere. That the activity today is actually a pseudo-activity — somewhere between passivity and real activity, where endless false debates and meaningless dialogs are engaged in — is obscured by the false sense of power such pseudo-activity produces. The real challenge is to withdraw, be silent, and forcefully confront the fallacy of “democracy” with vacuity.

It’s a false choice for rappers, but if the choice is to be “real” and spit venomous raps about inequality and, as a consequence, go broke (or worse, go to prison, get killed, etc.) or, alternatively, to temper this “truth” with the spectacle of selling rap music (crack, hoes, killing) and be “rewarded” with fame and riches and possibly get killed; then what a better answer than to do nothing, to not participate in such a system. Of course, there is a long history of blacks being the victim of violence when choosing to abstain from participation. The key to the success of such a practice depends then on us, the consumers, as we sustain such a false choice. If we withdrew, and confronted the spectacle (crack, hoes, killing) with it’s own irrelevance, the demand for such content would cease to exist.

There is certainly a seductive lure of capital at work that shapes our appreciation and understanding of rap, but isn’t there something hopeful located there as well? The African diaspora, slavery, the civil rights struggle; the black experience doesn’t exist only as a shameful part of our history, but it informs our culture. These catastrophes are at the core of artistic expression; they are where much of our music finds its roots. The love for the underdog is a theme throughout American culture. Or, as Cornel West says, it’s the “leaven in the democratic loaf.”

Can’t keep playin both sides of the fence, you got to choose now
T.I. (“Re-Akshon”)

It’s a shit-storm and you bout to get showered
Bun B (“Re-Akshon”)

Within our culture a complicated balance is enacted between capital, which generates prurience in watching a marginalized culture self-destruct, and conversely, genuine love, which advocates for the underdog. This complication is intensified in the arts, where we make idols of some and demonize others, often in a misguided, dubious, fashion. Isn’t it precisely our “post-ideological” cynical resignation that allows for such complications?

It’s never been clearer than today that all the various redemptive, all encompassing ideologies (capitalism, communism, socialism, etc.) have failed in their utopian promise, and a natural assumption is that we are living in a post-ideological world. The problem with subscribing to the notion of post-ideology is that such a belief is supported by the current dominant system, which is capitalism. It suits capital fine for its participants to be uncritically resigned to the notion that nothing is going to change, because this resignation feeds capital consumption. And isn’t it here, again, where we find Odd Future and the idea of the conformingly non-conformist?

Whatever ragtag, charter-less form in which it existed, the punk catalyst was anti-establishment, anti-capitalist. It ran to the margins. What’s easily visible in the “punk”-like behavior of rap artists such as Odd Future, who work within the post-ideology mindset, is they run from the margins straight towards mainstream culture. Their rebellious outbursts come bundled with there own counteragent. The music operates within the dominant ideology (capitalism), and, as such, is devoid of the punk catalyst.

What is sold as punk today is a seductive spectacle: wacky hair style, predictably destructive behavior, t-shirt slogans (“fuck you I won’t do what you tell me!”). While Odd Future share in the “fuck you” seduction, do they really operate as a subversive counterweight? Isn’t Odd Future following in the footsteps of their predecessors (Beastie Boys, Geto Boys, 2 Live Crew, ICP, etc.)? While what they’re doing may sound and look slightly different, can we expect any genuine difference when they work within the system of commodity? Their pursuit is the same as those who came before them, the pursuit of perpetually unfulfilled desire:

Kill people, burn shit, fuck school!
Kill people, burn shit, fuck school!

I’m fuckin’ radical, nigga
I’m fuckin’ radical, I’m motherfuckin’ radical

Tyler, The Creator
(“Radicals,” 2011)

All those motherfuckers that want to step up
I hope you know I pack a chain saw
I’ll skin your ass raw

And if my day keeps goin’ this way
I just might break somethin’…

Limp Bizkit (“Break Stuff,” 2000)

There’s no time to discriminate,
Hate every motherfucker

That’s in your way
Hate! Hate! Hate! Hate…

Marilyn Manson (“The Beautiful People,” 1997)

Immigrants and faggots
They make no sense to me

They come to our country

And think they’ll do as they please
Like start some mini Iran
Or spread some fucking disease

Guns & Roses (“One in a Million”, 1988)

Drums beating, cold English blood runs hot
Lady of the house wonderin’ when it’s gonna stop

House boy knows that he’s doing alright

You shoulda heard him just around midnight

Brown sugar how come you taste so good, now?
Brown sugar just like a young girl should, now

Rolling Stones (“Brown Sugar”, 1971)

Looking back at the popular charts, it’s not that Odd Future’s subject matter stands out as transgressively excessive, but just the opposite; Odd Future fills the slot this decade needs, where we see the explicit prohibitions of culture “defied” through implicit permission. Odd Future acts as a proxy we use to enact our indignation, as the moral ballast for our excessive engagement in the subjugation of others. This is cyclical: “Smack My Bitch Up,” “Darling Nikki,” “Suicide Solution,” “Kim,” “Relax (Don’t Do It),” and so on; over and again we use these songs to transgress the prohibitions imposed on us by societal convention. From Nine Inch Nails’ “I wanna fuck you like an animal,” to the Rolling Stones depiction of slave rape, we’ve been subject to this prohibition (and it’s transgression) in popular culture since there’s been popular culture. The problem, then, is not with Odd Future, or rap, but our relationship to seduction and commodity.

Despite what some would like to believe, we can hardly expect revolutionary innovations from those whose profession it is to monopolize the stage under the present social conditions. It is obvious that such innovations can come only from people who have received universal hostility and persecution, not from those who receive government funding. More generally, despite the conspiracy of silence on this matter, it can be confidently affirmed that no real opposition can be carried out by individuals who become even slightly more socially elevated through manifesting such opposition than they would have been through refraining.
Guy Debord (In girum imus nocte et consumimur igni, 1978)

Isn’t the cynical resignation that allows us to believe we live in a post-ideological era also what keeps us patrons of a kind of art that narcissistically looks inward? In our age of “emo” and American Idol, isn’t this persistent state of self-consciousness, which continually defines and redefines itself through the Other’s gaze, without any contemplative self-awareness, driving us further from being? As a truly radical redefinition of Cartesianism, the chorus of Eminem’s “The Way I Am” is a contemporary rebuttal to Descartes’ cogito ergo sum:

I think, therefore I am
René Descartes

I am whatever you say I am

Coming out of the era of Existentialism and Postmodernism, finding ourselves post-ideologically un-tethered to anything, we seem to be spectrally disembodied from our own existence. We’ve undergone a subtle shift from ontology to homology, from asking, “what is?” to begging, “what?

Coinciding with this post-ideological era is the dawn of giving a fuck about what people think disguised as not giving a fuck what people think. It’s contradictorily clear in the way rappers such as Eminem and Odd Future continually tell us how much they don’t care what we think of them through their publicists and managers and social media outposts that, actually, they are defined by how “we” care. Not only that, we see them shape their art, in a sad way, to meet a perceived notion of what “we” want. And, as if behind their backs, following a genuine creative vision is lost in pursuit of satisfying the seductive lure of valuable capital. By acting out some predetermined character of what rap “is,” and then, in reaction to that façade being defaced, there is never a genuine article.

Okay, you guys caught me
I’m not a fucking rapist or serial killer, I lied
I tried to hard, huh?

Tyler, The Creator

Haha, I’m just playing, ladies
You know I love you

On cue, with Odd Future’s percolation into popular culture came the predictable, level-headed, prohibitionary backlash. One such critic was Sara Quin of the indie rock duo, Tegan and Sara. As a lesbian, her outrage is both warranted and foreseeable. Her indignation of the glorification of rape, the excessive homophobia and the hateful rhetoric was, also predictably, rejoined by a tweet from Tyler: “If Tegan and Sara need some hard dick, hit me up!”

Isn’t this conflict (“why you gotta hate on bitches?” v. “why can’t you stay in your lane, bitch?”) a false conflict? Not that there aren’t legitimate moral issues involving Tyler’s subject matter, but instead of censoring rappers, the task should be to change the conditions so that rapping about faggots and rape is unnecessary. And what makes such rap necessary?

In an industry driven by seduction and commodity, where “products” are thrust at a cynically resigned consumer, things like faggot-calling, rape fantasies and other scandal create interest, and interest is a valuable commodity. It’s not that Sara’s point was not valid, it’s that everyone knows it’s meaningless. She will never win playing against the capitalist market—there’s a long list of losers in that game where capital remains king. In a way, Sara is trying to make the impossible possible, to instill some morality in the market. Instead, what she should aim for is to make the possible impossible, to reveal the market’s inherent immorality. Capitalism is morally neutral (or, to be blunt, it has no morals), so proposing moral solutions to capitalism never affect the true ills of the system. That is to say, raping bitches and killing faggots will be a market concern only when it stops producing profits.

In a coincidental conspiracy of equals, within two days of one another Rihanna and Tyler both released videos that seductively repurposed rape. In the case of “Man Down,” Rihanna shoots and kills the man who sexually assaults her, and in the case of “She,” Tyler enacts the scenery surrounding voyeurism, stalking and rape, using a popular dream-within-a-dream plot device, enabling him to satisfy necrophilic desires without, you know, actually killing and fucking the woman in the video (I just wanna drag your lifeless body to the forest/ And fornicate with it but that’s because I’m in love with you, cunt).

Don’t these two videos work in a Droste-like loop, mirroring one another, acting as the other’s antitheses, yet, at the same time, feeding one another? Both videos reflexively work together: Rihanna, as the woman pushed too far, who suffers an “acceptable” reaction, killing the assailant with a lack of malice aforethought; Tyler, on the other hand, represents the repressed underside of Rihanna’s video, with premeditation generated through fetishizing the woman. The two together are the quilting point which creates the necessary illusion of how we understand the seductive symbolism of rape. Together, these two redouble themselves, endlessly reflecting one another, each working as the other’s counteragent, each regenerating the other.

Shouldn’t we see this unintentional plan between Tyler and Rihanna as a question that is already informed by its answer? Isn’t this reflection/imitation staged in much the same way as a Hegelian presupposition and an Aristotelian mimesis?

Reflection finds before it an immediate which it transcends and from which it is the return. But this return is only the presupposing of what reflection finds before it. What is thus found only comes to be through being left behind.
Hegel (Science of Logic)

Imitation always involves selecting something from the continuum of experience, thus giving boundaries to what really has no beginning or end. Mimêsis involves a framing of reality that announces that what is contained within the frame is not simply real. Thus the more “real” the imitation the more fraudulent it becomes.
Michael Davis (On Aristotle’s Poetics)

Tyler (who immaturely  explains in an interview what he means by “the walking fucking paradox”) simply, in the Hegelian sense, is the negation of the negation. Paradoxically, his work centers around this passionate, paradoxical struggle, but this struggle is nullified once we see how it is already impregnated with oppositional logic.

This negation of the negation is present in the “based” philosophy of Lil B as well. As a self-professed Based God, Lil B describes being based as being positive, being yourself and not being afraid of what others may think. In repurposing the dismissive view of baseheads (crack addicts), Lil B has turned the wasted outlook usually reserved for drug addicts on its head, and, instead, offers it as a way of life, being pure at heart, clean, and totally swagged out. The positive proclamations of based philosophy are coupled with equally naïve obscenities that act as a based antipode:

I just wanna say I love you, you can be healthy right now, but sick tomorrow, I love you honestly if you are reading this, let’s live
Lil B (via Twitter)

Word around town bitch I’m a nasty neighbor
30 on my dick and I’m running like the mayor
Young based god bust a nut in her hair
Violate the bitch man make her turn square

Lil B (“Violate That Bitch”)

Lil B doesn’t need a prohibitive Other to act out against, he carries within himself his own cancellation: titling his album I’m Gay while adamantly assuring people he’s not gay; professing a philosophical lifestyle all about love and positivity while at the same time rapping the opposite; simultaneously publishing testimonials from mothers who claim his music saved the lives of their children and meme-pictures of “based god fucked my bitch.” In the Hegelian sense, Lil B sublates himself into that which he opposes.

What is sublated is not reduced to nothing. Nothing is immediate; what is sublated, on the other hand, is the result of mediation; it is a non-being but as a result which had its origin in a being. It still has, therefore, in itself the determinate from which it originates…  ‘To sublate’ has a twofold meaning in the language: on the one hand it means to preserve, to maintain, and equally it also means to cause to cease, to put an end to. Even ‘to preserve’ includes a negative element, namely, that something is removed from its influences, in order to preserve it. Thus what is sublated is at the same time preserved; it has only lost its immediacy but is not on that account annihilated.
Hegel (Science of Logic)

Young Based God gives a fuck about your problems
Label left me dead and they gave me no options
Fuck you rap niggers cause you scared of your damn self
Bitch suck my dick cause it’s good for her damn health

Lil B (“Wonton Soup”)

Through this universal indifference, by acting as his own opposition (“based god fucked your bitch” b/w “stay positive, smile for me, it’s all love”), Lil B is able to redefine the commodity seduction of rap, so that he preserves the misogyny and materialism standard in rap while simultaneously appearing to attack it. The spectacle of this “new” style creates value, and novelty is repackaged as freshness.

In this way, doesn’t Lil B share a similarity with Sara Palin? On her One Nation bus tour, Sara Palin invites the media to follow her while she simultaneously criticizes them (“lame-stream media”), continuously disregarding reporters for missing the point (e.g. the Paul Revere incident) while obsessively focusing on her image in the media (e.g., the email archive).

As long as Lil B’s endeavors are found within the coordinates of the seduction of capital commodity, aren’t his “unpredictable” antics impregnated with the predictable oppositional logic? In an interview with CNN regarding the I’m Gay album title “controversy,” Lil B said

I hope that I can turn some of my fans that might be homophobic or supporters that might be homophobic and say, “You know what, we’re all one people…” I call myself the human sacrifice, because I look at it like, no one else is going to do it and push that line for the people, and I’m going to do it, and they’re going to look at me and say, “Well, you know what? If that guy can do it, I can be myself too, and if that rapper can be himself and be free and be happy and still hold masculinity and love people and love flowers and just be happy being alive, well then, I can do that too.

No one else is going to do it? Never mind all the people who are doing “it.” Wouldn’t a genuine heterosexual sacrifice for gay equality — besides being “happy” and “free” and loving “flowers” while retaining his masculinity — be Lil B sublimating his life into gay culture, totally? Sucking cock, or being the “violated bitch” to some gay dick? It’s a vulgar example, without doubt, but it is precisely the “ultimate human sacrifice,” though Lil B would likely never “push that line” for “the people.”

And this is where I think music writers sell themselves short with the their mystifications of Lil B, such as, “if you didn’t get it, then you didn’t get it,” “you had to be there, I guess,” and “By not being a friend to Lil B, you critically misread his intent.” In truth, it’s not terribly complicated. People aren’t misreading much, nor are they too dumb to “get” how a dude who’s not gay can say that he is gay all the while calling people faggot. Homophobia, when couched in the language of tolerance, is still homophobia. If we strip Lil B of the seduction of capital consumption, the spectacle of celebrity, the oppositional logic that cancels out much of what he says; when we examine the remainder, the genuine element of Lil B, what do we find?

I don’t think that the Negro problem in America can be even discussed coherently without bearing in mind its context; its context being the history, traditions, customs, the moral assumptions and preoccupations of the country; in short, the general social fabric. Appearances to the contrary, no one in America escapes its effects and everyone in America bears some responsibility for it.
James Baldwin (Notes of a Native Son)

To reiterate the first paragraph of this treatise, this is not an effort to provide answers or fix rap. The point is not to solve problems, but to redefine them. As a fan of rap music and an advocate for the underdog, my best show of support for rap is in being unremittingly critical and offering a logical disputation of that which is assumed as truth. To consider Greenberg’s argument vis-à-vis hip-hop, it’s reasonable to consider this a period of retreat into past insight, plagued by a loss of nerve, amidst a time of disaster. And what’s being advertised as radical and new is actually just advertisement for commercial exchange.

Hip-hop now lives within the system of capital and entertainment, and as such, exists in a moral vacuum. To be critical of the seduction and the societal norms that underpin rap is to be an engaged participant in culture. To engage in the false dichotomy that offers only two choices: to be saved by capitalism (stardom, wealth — “check cheddar like a food inspector”) or destroyed by it (anonymity, poverty — “cocksucker take one for your team”), is to align rap with the freedom of bourgeois aspirations. And we should be reminded here of Marx’s point in The Communist Manifesto, that bourgeois freedom is the freedom to trade, to buy, and to sell. When a handful of rappers become millionaires through the exploitation of capitalism, they become freely bourgeois; traded, bought and sold in the system that continues to exploit them.

Hip-hop, refracted through global capital, will no doubt accentuate the logic of inequality that runs through the rule of capital. Thus, I’m not advocating a return to “conscious rap” or that rappers need to start bombing banks and killing capitalists. However, like any creative expression, rap can’t be hors de combat. The neutral ground moves, and by remaining still, remaining unaligned, a noncombatant “outside the fight” gets carried away, is embedded in the fight. Besides, persistent un-engagement, being ironically distantiated, leaves an artist on the outside of a genuine attitude towards creative substance.

The same is true for us, the listener. Without critical engagement, by remaining lulled within consumptive seduction, and by being cynically resigned, we believe ourselves to be on neutral ground; post-ideologically nonparticipating. By believing ourselves so, as Talal Asad said, we allow ourselves to be lead — complicitly or unwittingly — to an end first conceived by consumptive seduction.

It’s doubtful that hip-hop can dismantle itself from the ideological underpinnings that provide the coordinates from within which it operates, but it cannot not reflect and interact with the social and ideological antagonisms caused by those underpinnings. The more rap tries to be purely aesthetic or removed (“I’m just fucking around”, “It’s just a character I play”, etc.) and/or commercially functional (“It’s all about the cheddar”, “I’m just trying to get some money to feed my daughter”, etc.), the more it reproduces these antagonisms. And, following that tract to its logical conclusion, the more at risk we all are, as Greenberg warned, of living in an age without great art.

A Confederacy of Brunches

Posted by , March 5th, 2011
Category: Reasoning Tags:   RSS | Comments | Trackback from your site
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While revolution spreads in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and around the Middle East, most of us in America watch via live feed from Al Jazeera, receive up to the minute feeds on Twitter, and join groups on Facebook. All of our interactive participation with the revolt acts as a way to stay informed. But isn’t this access — our very ability to stream a revolution live — part of the problem?

Much credit was given to social media in allowing hundreds of thousands of citizens in Egypt to collectivize, rally and demand change. Not to put too fine a point on it, but instead of tweets and status updates, I would credit decades of autocratic oppression, marshal law, poverty, violence and unemployment as what “allowed” the people to revolt. Egypt ranks amongst the most corrupt countries, and while Facebook and Twitter surely made communication and coordination easier, it was three decades of brutality that made it possible. The “We Are All Khaled Said” Facebook campaign is both inspiring and monumental, but how many thousands of other anonymous “El-Shaheed” (the Facebook account holder’s name, which is Arabic for martyr) were disgraced and brutalized before Said’s experience resonated, not as a random tragedy, but as a ubiquitous experience among the people?

For most of us, the life of Mohamed Bouazizi is beyond the horizon of our understanding. Dropping out of school to sell produce from a pushcart on the streets of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, in order to provide for his family, Bouzazi was subject to regular police harassment and extortion, having his cart confiscated or damaged time and again. The final straw came when a female officer slapped him, spat on him and overturned his cart while other officers watched. When he tried to file a complaint, the local government refused him; humiliated and defiled, Bouzazi set himself on fire.

… the perspective one gains from dislocation is, of course, not only retrospective but prospective. Exile places one at an oblique angle to one’s new world and makes every emigrant, willy-nilly, into an anthropologist and relativist; for to have a deep experience of two cultures is to know that no culture is absolute — it is to discover that even the most interstitial and seemingly natural aspects of our identities and social reality are constructed rather than given and that they could be arranged, shaped, articulated in quite another way.
Eva Hoffman

Freedom Has Come and Gone” — Thee Silver Mt. Zion Memorial Orchestra

Imagine the view
From a helicopter gunship
A man comes into view
And you hit that switch, and when you hit that switch
All of heaven shits on you

Since 1950, the US has provided money and military aid to Egypt ($1.3 billion annually, second only to Israel), and in exchange the US relies on Egypt as an ally in achieving its goals in the Middle East. The unfortunate consequence of this exchange is exacted on the citizens of Egypt; three decades of marshal law and repression. It’s a dangerous pattern that we repeat often: Pinochet, Sadaam Hussein, Ferdinand Marcos, Jean-Claude Duvalier, Chun Doo-hwan, Suharto, Zia ul-Haq. Brutal dictators find US support, and in the event of a popular uprising, Washington is quick to “counsel” the wayward dictator toward democracy. This two-faced world leadership isn’t news to anyone. For Washington, as long as it accords with strategic and economic objectives, brutality is an acceptable consequence of “foreign policy.” For citizens, this hypocrisy, while hard to swallow, is made possible by our passivity. Naturally, as concerned, thoughtful people, we empathize with oppressed people and engage them through altruism: charities, humanitarian efforts, medical aid, and so on. But don’t our admirable remedies for curing the evils of the world prolong the disease of evil? The remedy is part of the disease.


A simple example of prescribing the poison as the cure is America’s “green revolution.” We re-design our lifestyle to be part of the solution to the world’s ecological problems: We donate our used, un-green items to charity, thereby helping people in need; We eat organic food, free of pesticides and genetically modified organisms, in an effort to tread gently on this earth; We buy Ethos water and Tom’s shoes and Newman’s Own products that allow us to speak our ethics through our dollars; We buy reusable cloth shopping bags to avoid adding plastic to landfills; We practice yoga, sharing in the holistic benefits of eastern wisdom; We demand that our iPhones, iPods, iPads, laptops and desktop computers have “conflict free” minerals so women in Africa aren’t raped in order for us to browse the Internet.

We go on living within this system that is fueled by the suffering of others. In the case of Egypt, this disproportionate access to “freedom” sustained thirty years of marshal law. Of course it breeds hatred! How could it not? It’s immoral to use the system of exploitation as an alleviant to the horrible evils that directly result from that very system of exploitation. Our remedies, however thoughtful or altruistic, do not cure the evils of the world, they prolong them.

Where There’s A Will” — The Pop Group

Each and every one of us
Shall pay on demand
Our part of sacrifice
Knowing we’re all together

It’s interesting that there’s no taxpayer backlash at thirty years and billions of dollars in weaponry to support autocratic brutality in Egypt. Why was this not one of the first things in the debates on wasteful spending between McCain and Obama? And, amidst all this talk of “re-tooling” our society, why are these costly military “aid” packages not re-tooled into billions of lunches? Wouldn’t a well-fed, suitably housed, work-ready populace be less likely to revolt? Why is pumping guns and tanks to autocracy not seen as using the poison as the cure to “the war on terrorism?”

It’s no surprise that the bullets fired on Egyptian citizens, the tanks patrolling the streets, the tear gas canisters fired into the crowds, were part of America’s “military aid” package to Egypt, and bore the insignia, “Made in U.S.A.” It’s a painful irony that while all of our manufacturing jobs disappear and our unemployment rises, one of the few remaining exports we offer acts as an expedient for the import of other’s hatred against us.

Washington greeted the uprising of democracy in Cairo’s Tahrir Square with duplicity. Just days before Washington conceded the Egyptian people’s destiny; it counseled them to allow Mubarak to transition “orderly.” One need only think back to another democratic implementation, that of Firdos Square in Baghdad, when Saddam Hussein’s statue was toppled, and within minutes Washington declared democracy. Donald Rumsfeld told reporters, “The scenes of free Iraqis celebrating in the streets, riding American tanks, tearing down the statues of Saddam Hussein in the center of Baghdad are breathtaking. Watching them, one cannot help but think of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Iron Curtain.”

Cenotaph” — This Heat

A war to end all wars
And the war that came after that

There were roughly two hundred Iraqis who participated in unseating Sadaam’s statue. As we later learned, those Iraqis were hired by American forces to participate in the charade to symbolize the end of an oppressive regime. The scene in Tahrir Square, Cairo, with roughly a million participants — five thousand times as many people than Firdos Square! — was, at the very least, an order of magnitude more convincing a display of spontaneous democracy. Yet Washington was damn near the last to acknowledge what it was first to claim for the people of Iraq. Why?


While confirming our suspicions that Washington carries out villainous misdeeds under the guise of making the world a safer place, isn’t watching the situation in Egypt unfold more a case of realizing our position within democracy as equivalent to being among the envious exclusivity of hierarchy? In his speech after the overthrow of Mubarak, Obama quoted Martin Luther King, saying, “There is something in the soul that cries out for freedom.” In this sense, democracy is circumscribed by the red velvet rope; access to the VIP section isn’t available to just anybody. From inside, aren’t we aware, as participants in democracy’s exclusivity, however explicitly, that if everyone is allowed into the party it will totally kill the vibe, and, almost as a natural reflex, we understand the need for circumscription and, almost automatically, separate “us” from “them”?

Was this covetous distantiation not apparent in the WikiLeaks controversy? The leaked diplomatic cables contained revelations (US contractor DynaCorp used taxpayer dollars to host a party for Afghan policemen where young boys were auctioned for rape!), but more than verifying our suspicions and igniting public outrage, the media and concerned citizens (us, collectively) impetuously admonished Assange in a rap colloquialism: “Don’t hate the player, hate the game.” We didn’t demand DynaCorp be shut down, we didn’t march on Washington in disgust at the misuse of tax dollars, we debated whether Assange was a rapist. Another relevant rap colloquialism: Stop snitching!

There’s a veil of symbolic function that operates in a democracy, usually couched in presidential platitudes (“It is an unfortunate fact that we can secure peace only by preparing for war”), that acts as a “first rule of fight club”-type warning of the consequences of pulling back the curtain to exhibit how the sausage is made, as it were. Assange, as freedom’s player hater, lifted the curtain, revealing the unprincipled aspects of democratic principles, and was treated the way we treat any partygoer who lets his dimwitted, bucktooth cousin from Cheyenne beyond the velvet rope: We laugh and point and call him a fag. Or in this case, “rapist!”

Gotta Go, Got Bricks To Throw: Egyptian protester reifying a May '68 poster.

Run comrade, the old world is behind you! — Egyptian riot police reify a May '68 poster.

Who wants to hear about 1,000 peasants lying dead?

As a country obsessed with recycling, isn’t WikiLeaks a modern recycling of the Pentagon Papers? As a war strategist turned peace activist, Daniel Ellsberg “suffered” a change of heart as the result of witnessing atrocities in the name of democracy: lies that stretched across four presidencies, hundreds of thousands dead, bombing countries we weren’t at war with. For Ellsberg, seeing top secret plans for systematically destroying Southeast Asia unveiled the symbolic function that allowed him, as a war strategist, to believe he was making the world a safer place. Whatever ideological presuppositions were at work before he read the documents, failed afterward, leaving him enmeshed in an aporia that saw the illusion of power as the power of illusion. Unable to rationally reconcile his beliefs with his reality, he “snapped,” and acted “irrationally.”

America” — The Au Pairs

Why don’t you get a bayonet?
Mince up a peasant or two
Remember… America’s right behind you!

Ellsberg’s break was a Derridian deconstruction that shouldn’t be underemphasized. How many people have the “opportunity,” either by choice or by force, to radically de-construct their entire worldview? And it was precisely this opportunity that caused Ellsberg’s defense attorney (Ellsberg was sued under the Espionage Act) to try and exclude middle-aged men from the jury. Specifically because it’s the middle-aged man who, partly out of envy and partly out of contempt, looks at another man who’s radically re-shaped his life, and sides against him. Deconstruction taught us that we feel free because we lack the very language to articulate our un-freedom. Ellsberg, having his life up to that point ruined by finding the language to articulate his un-freedom, immediately became an “enemy of the people” (as Nixon called him) once he found the language to articulate freedom. The illusion of power is only the power of illusion, in that the fundamental level of ideology is not of an illusion masking the real state of things, but an unconscious fantasy structuring our view of reality itself.

Similarly, isn’t the very thing we fear in a terrorist this same notion of a radically re-shaped worldview? That is, as a “normal” follower of Islam, we sense no threat, yet when the same Islamist is “radicalized,” he becomes an “enemy of the people.”

The case against Ellsberg was declared a mistrial when the covert operations of the White House Plumbers were uncovered: His home was bugged; There was a plot to dose him with LSD before a public speech to make him seem crazy; His psychiatrist’s office was burglarized in search of damning evidence to use against him; Later through the release of the Watergate tapes, we learned Nixon not only wanted Ellsberg assassinated, but he thought carpet bombs and napalm weren’t radical enough to subdue the Viet Cong, he wanted to use the nuclear bomb.

The press was to serve the governed, not the governors. The Government’s power to censor the press was abolished so that the press would remain forever free to censure the Government. The press was protected so that it could bare the secrets of government and inform the people. Only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government. And paramount among the responsibilities of a free press is the duty to prevent any part of the government from deceiving the people and sending them off to distant lands to die of foreign fevers and foreign shot and shell.
Justice Black (New York Times v. United States)

The Pentagon Papers caused a huge scandal, damning evidence was revealed about the war and the leadership of the country. Towards the end of Nixon’s first term as president, as more secrets and more scandals were revealed, the country became disillusioned and enraged. Nixon was caught red-handed. The 1972 presidential election, amid the scandal and lies of the Pentagon Papers, shamed Nixon into a whopping 49 state victory! Proving what Ellsberg’s defense attorney knew: Deconstructing the veil of symbolic function comes at the expense of unraveling daily life, and most people aren’t willing to risk salto mortale — the leap of faith into the unknown for the hope of something different.

Burn Baby, Burn” — Jimmy Collier

I really wanted to be somebody
I really wanted some scratch

I really wanted to have a decent job
But all I had was a match


In keeping with the recycling theme, aren’t we, as survivors of the Great Recession, living in a re-enactment of the Great Depression? I’m tempted to call this period, The New Deal II, The Sequel. Or, The Great Depression 2.0. It was after the ’29 crash — when unemployment skyrocketed, farmers lost their land to dust, and the demand for US industries plummeted — that measures were taken to safeguard the country from ever having to suffer such a catastrophe again. The Federal Home Loan Bank Act made it easier for people to own homes. The Securities Act of 1933 created the Securities and Exchange Commission in order to regulate the stock market and prevent corporate abuse. The New Deal put people back to work reinvigorating the infrastructure of the country.

Starting in the ‘30s, with the rise in home ownership, and as the idea of living on credit came into existence, the baby boomers were emblematic of what Marx called commodity fetishism. Job security, a living wage, owning a home, and so on, all framed the new dominant ideology. This worldview, this sense of ownership, was the very thing that Daniel Ellsberg’s attorney was up against in the Pentagon Papers case. While the world was upside down during the Vietnam War, and people took to the streets in protest, the ideological underpinnings of the populace remained hard to shake. They were substantially invested, and the very thing that caused the economic collapse operated as its own counter-agent.

All your private property
Is a target for your enemy
And your enemy is … We!

Jefferson Airplane (“We Should Be Together” — lyrics cribbed from an Up Against The Wall Motherfucker leaflet written by John Sundstrom)

By replacing the “problem” industries of the Great Depression (farming, mining, logging, factory work) with industries of capitalist accumulation, we replaced the one-to-one value ratio with an intangible commodity value that is self-engendering. In other words, today we don’t make money from labor; we make money from money.

Marxist joke: What did one self-engendered dollar say to the other?

In the process of using our money to beget money, we got blinded by greed and engaged in deregulation, sub-prime lending, fraudulent underwriting and over-leveraging. As the market crashed again, and unemployment skyrocketed and people lost their homes to foreclosure, the SEC (the very agency created to prevent such circumstances, which relaxed the regulations that could prevent such a collapse) announced the program that allowed investment banks to supervise themselves was, “fundamentally flawed.” No shit?


While the architects of the collapse are forced into retirement with billion dollar severance packages, and the post-bailout mid-term election promises of wiser spending fade away, what are we left with now? The senate is threatening a government shutdown until crucial cutbacks are made. Crucial cutbacks! Cutbacks such as art, public television and Planned Parenthood. No shit?

America’s Got the Cutback Blues” — Muntu Meloncon

Cutbacks on social security
Cutback on childcare
America, why don’t you cut back on all of your warfare?
And while you’re cutting back, why don’t you
Cut back on bullets and guns and more
That you send to El Salvador

Can’t we use what Marx called the “symbolic existence” (paper money operating as a representation for the worth of gold) as a lens through which to view the way we reconcile capitalism within democracy? Symbolically, we understand that it is a government of the people for the people by the people, and as “the people,” our government works for us. The overwhelming evidence that contradicts this symbolic existence operates parallel to our reality. While we doubt the actual representation of our elected officials (fraud, campaign promises unfulfilled, scandal, disproportionate wealth, etc.), it doesn’t stop us from parallelisticly participating in what we doubt. So, much like we use money to make money, we use the idea of democracy in place of democracy. Thus, democracy mimics the market — self-engendering. As such, democracy functions on an ideological level, without the need for anyone to actually believe that it works in order for it to work. Much like the presidential platitudes, democracy’s message resides in its very abstention from delivering a message. The uroboric recycling of a petitio principii.

Isn’t Julian Assange the perfect example of what happens when the irreconcilable differences between capitalism and democracy are elevated out of the symbolic exchange into reality? While we may believe in the First Amendment protection of whistleblowers and the public’s right to know what our representatives are doing in our name, what WikiLeaks does is reveal a parallactic blind spot that is irreconcilably lodged between or symbolic order and our reality. Just as the Pentagon Papers lead the country to outrage and re-election of Nixon, so WikiLeaks confronts us with outrageous material that we can’t wholly alchemize within our horizon of understanding. No one will argue in support of DynaCorp using taxpayer money to throw parties where boys are auctioned as rape toys, and the shock and outrage we feel about such behavior is real, but shouldn’t the rational reaction to such revelation be irrational? Shouldn’t we “snap” at learning of such terrors? Instead, we say that we “can’t believe” what happened, and insofar as deconstruction serves as the ultimate form of disbelief, it’s true — without a radical redefinition of our way of understanding, we are stuck with a kind of disbelief. Isn’t this why normal citizens taking to the street is seen as the ultimate form of “crazy” behavior? Renouncing everything, walking in front of a tank, throwing stones at an armed militia, running towards the fire — this behavior symbolizes looking beyond the horizon of understanding. Radicalizing one’s worldview.

Short of such a break, we uncomfortably see ourselves, consciously or not, as conspirators in an irreconcilable symbolic exchange, trading our disbelief of democracy in for reality’s comfort from capital. The alternative — radical reinvention of our belief system — is beyond our horizon of finitude, and, as something not possible, creates a blind spot, separating “us” from “them.”

He Keeps You” — Boscoe

Seem the good white folks done blessed us with a curse
Things ain’t gettin’ better, things gettin’ worse

As Americans, we are the inheritors of a recycling historic phenomenon: Dreams for a better society erupt into revolutionary upheaval, relapsing into a new version of order that reproduces itself through its inherent transgression. Doesn’t living with this sequel establish the defeated notion that a revolution succeeds not in toppling a regime, but dismantling one to put another in it’s place? And don’t we as participants in this simulacrum, seeing those on the outside clamoring to get in, view them with equal parts sadistic circumspection at their inability to get past the velvet rope, and sad certainty in knowing what awaits them is the hollow ideal of a self-replicating dream?

“They” struggle to achieve democracy, and we, like a crowd watching someone get beat up, assume that someone else will step in and stop it. As Obama quoted Martin Luther King to the people of Egypt, “There is something in the soul that cries out for freedom,” we found poisoned pleasure in the squinting eyes of those on the outside looking in at the blinding light of our freedom.


The Egyptian détournement of Obama’s “yes we can” campaign slogan to read, “yes we can too” reveals an envious willingness of the Egyptian people to assimilate into the Symbolic Order of democracy. That their struggle is beyond the horizon of our understanding is plainly illustrated as the revolution unfolds next to a competing headline in the New York Times, using the same language of the revolution: “Fashion Week Attendees are Facing the Bitter Cold with Extreme Bravery, and Style!”

It’s cynical, but a cynicism informed by a post-“Change We Can Believe In” mindset, which voted for a nebulous something that symbolically embodied difference. We are now reconciling what we got with what we expected. While Obama has made numerous changes, some monumental, what hasn’t changed is the paradigm within which he operates. It’s this lack of radical re-imagination of our reality, I believe, that finds most people disillusioned in his presidency. And, in this sense, wouldn’t it be more accurate, if, while toggling between the live stream of millions of protestors in Cairo and the Mercedes-Benz-sponsored Fashion Week coverage, the Egyptian sign read: YES WE CAN, ACTUALLY!

With Obama as the first black president, we voted for revolutionary change before we had a chance to revolutionarily change the system in which we elected him to operate. The racist backlash (“SHOW ME THE BIRTH CERTIFICATE, HUSSEIN!”) reveals the sticky subject which we’ve yet to be able to discuss openly as a people; we remain a melting pot, sort of institutionally indivisible but separately equal. In this sense, as inheritor of a leadership born from a system of exploitation, Obama is in the unfortunate position of being a black man administrating a white supremacy.

Oh” — Fugazi

Lapse of luxury
Lapping waste
Cruising towards a bruising crash
Thread held, anvil’s gonna break
When the letter returns to the sender
I can hardly wait

Tracing the series of tragedies in the last decade: the September eleventh attacks, the war(s) on terror, Hurricane Katrina, the sub-prime mortgage crisis, the financial collapse, the BP oil spill, the Georgia prison strikes (the biggest in US history), etc., it’s easy to think of these as end times. Instead, we should see this as capitalism functioning efficiently.

Marx published Capital in 1867, and every generation since has made predictions about the death of capitalism. Instead of dying, what happens is capitalism grows more robust, more resistant, more adaptable. In digital vernacular, capitalism has gone viral. Much like the “Doomsday Machine” in Stanley Kubrick’s Dr. Strangelove, capitalism functions as a similarly self-engendering mechanism — either within our Symbolic Order (Wall Street! Trickle Down!) or running roughshod over our reality (Main Street! “Dude, Where’s My Job?”) — past the point of the fail-safe. Much like our democracy functions only through our ideological faith in a practice of envious exclusivity and institutional exploitation, capitalism function through our belief that everyone has a shot at the brass ring, and the waste produced from such aspirations paradoxically create security.


Capitalism’s biggest byproduct is waste, the excreta of exploited resources. In order for a capitalist economy to function, there needs to be need, and luxury goods function as the apex of symbolic need. In other words, luxury goods, by definition, are unnecessary yet symbolically they represent the ultimate capitalist achievement (luxury=success), and as such, become necessary if one intends to succeed in society. Kropotkian wisdom taught us if everyone were well fed and comfortably situated there would be little discontent, little to envy, and without envious discontent, capitalism is nonessential. Thus, the more shit produced, the more capital thrives.

Capital waste is an acceptable byproduct. Just as our daily lives are sustained by the management of waste (sewers, garbage trucks, landfills, etc.), the market is sustained by the management of capital’s excrement. Our culture of consumption, with rewards reserved for those who copiously consume, is a culture that produces endless waste. The irony of the current “green revolution” is that in re-tooling our lives to be more eco-friendly (hybrid cars, energy efficient appliances, disposal silverware made of biodegradable corn, and so on) we are redoubling our consumption in the process of re-buying a “green” replacement for everything we already own. This process is somehow not seen as ridiculous, but acceptable. It’s only when the definition of waste creeps into our daily lives — when one’s home or job become a “byproduct” and are deemed worthless — that the general acceptability of waste smells a lot different.

Isn’t this why things like celebrity fascination and reality television are so popular? Our captivation with celebrity is not merely indulgence in spectacle, but more importantly, it assuages our complicity in the meaninglessness of capital waste. However much waste our lives generate, Kim Kardashian’s wasteful engagement in luxury makes our shit seem trivial. The paradox, of course, is the more shit you produce the higher your societal ranking, and while the Kardashian life is condemnably trite, her position in the hierarchy of capital exclusivity is enviable. Similarly, we don’t believe that reality television is really real, though we allow it to symbolically function as a simulation of fame, or “everyday celebrity.” Fame Lite! Isn’t reality stardom, then, Joe Normal enjoying the fruits of celebrity without all the waste? Genuine fame without the waste fame produces. Fame and its antithesis all in one. Green Celebrity? Eco-Friendly Fame? Hybrid Luxury? Isn’t our participation in such spectacle the same as buying local, organic milk at Wal-Mart? We are supporting the antithesis of exploitative big business (local milk) while actually supporting exploitative big business (Wal-Mart). Reality television allows us the simulacrum of fame while finding contempt in all that fame represents.

Isn’t the loop created by short-circuiting fame and its antithesis what makes American Idol is so popular? As viewers/voters in the process of exalting an everyday, “normal” person into the limelight, we are re-enacting the symbolic function of democracy within the sphere of celebrity. Isn’t that what happens in news coverage as well? Headlines of Gaddafi’s troops killing his own citizens next to up-to-the-minute Oscar coverage; similarly, headlines of Mubarack’s ousting running next to Fashion Week coverage. In order to watch a video of protests in Libya, I must first sit through a Gucci commercial. By having our news sponsored by luxury goods, as both the symbol of eminence and waste, the real conditions of the world get deicticly imbued with the conditions of commercial consumption. Luxury is symbolically re-enacted in the sphere of tragedy, and we get a prurient, Pavlovian experience of news.


In the same way that our luxury goods quickly become obsolete, so do our “reality” idols. American Idol is not just the most popular show; it airs constantly. The same repetitive function (consume, excrete, repeat) that frames the hierarchical caste of celebrity also structures growth in the capital markets. In order to be a “good” capitalist, one must produce the most waste to guarantee a position atop the market. The same pyramidical conditions exist in celebrity. There’s only so much room at the top, and the most attention is spent on the smallest section of the population. The majority (us) who are not atop the pyramid become then, in every functioning way, the minority (even though, by head count, we’re the majority). We are, then, The Silent Majority. Or, something that counts as nothing.

Worst Case Scenario” — Babyland

You’ve got to live with what you know
What you don’t know

An interesting mix of celebrity, charity and revealing the inhumanity of capitalism came in the form of a Super Bowl commercial. Groupon, one of the fastest growing businesses in the world, set to include China among the markets in which it operates, released a self-depreciating, humorlessly funny commercial for a charity drive called, “Save The Money,” in which Groupon matched all donations to four targeted charities. The commercial could easily be mistaken for a snarky Saturday Night Live sketch, and since it was without tits and monster trucks, it seemed rather out of place in the Super Bowl roster. I don’t think this misplaced placement was lost on Groupon. With billions to burn, Groupon chose to advertise their philanthropy during the most expensive time slot. Instead of the usual celebrity spokesperson sincerely pleading with those less fortunate (“us”) to think of those who are even less fortunate (“them,” aka, Tibetans), Groupon poked fun at themselves for getting rich through facilitating people’s daily indulgence of deals. In the first half of one of the commercials, Timothy Hutton talks about the problems of the people of Tibet, and as the camera pulls back we see he’s sitting in a Himalayan restaurant, and he says through Groupon he was able to get his meal for half price. In a meta- way, the commercial pokes its finger in the eye of commerciality. And since there were no tits or monster trucks, Super Bowl fans were kinda tazed by the meta-ness of it all, or meta-tazed if there is such a thing?

The commercial was, almost immediately, derided for it’s bad taste and insensitivity to the people of Tibet. Groupon eventually pulled the commercial as the result of the backlash. When Andrew Mason (founder of Groupon, heralded on the cover of Fortune Magazine as one of the smartest businessmen of today), in his wisdom, questioned the consumption that made him rich, consumers were insulted. Isn’t the meta-question he asked — “is over-indulgence good?” — the kind of thing we normally reward companies for asking? Don’t we favor those companies who create products that minimize waste, have ethical work practices, and engage in charitable work? Isn’t this commercial a meta-illustration of the very principles we look for in a “good” company?

When a billionaire such as Andrew Mason (the pinnacle of capital wealth/waste) voices criticism of the very process of capital, he effectively short circuits the symbolic exchange that runs in the background of functioning ideology. We, as outsiders/consumers, are not only denied the opportunity of jealous indignation, but with the loop of symbolic function shorted out, we can’t take “credit” for the waste (Andrew beat us to it), and our consumption, operating in one dimension instead of two, is invalidated. Instead of a two-dimensional uselessness signifying luxuriousness, we get a one-dimensional useless as useless.

If this were a Saturday Night Live sketch, and Timothy Hutton performed the same bit at the expense of Groupon instead of in the employ of Groupon, I think it would be regarded as comic genius. Doesn’t it have everything that we require in ridiculing and/or condemning capitalists/celebrities? (Scorn, cynicism, snark, actual celebrity, taunting convention, bad taste, etc.)

As a commercial, it successfully short-circuited the parallax blinding symbolism from reality, which is exactly why it failed as a commercial.

China, besides being a prospective market for Groupon, should be viewed in context as the next logical phase in capitalism’s development. America’s trouble with markets is that democratic ethics are a sticking point in unrestrained exploitation. Finding acceptable standards of exploitation and waste in the pursuit of growth proves problematic. In the case of China, as an authoritarian capitalist system, the unrestrained market proves much more productive. When the dead weight of morality is shed, growth is exponential. Sadly, looking at the shit produced is proof.

While the effect on the people is severe (government corruption, human rights violations, state censorship, poverty, drought, industrial pollution, poor health and food safety, etc.), China is the world’s fastest growing economy. The unfortunate condition of the citizens contrasted with its thriving economy, China is an illustration of the inherent inhumanity of capitalism.

The Comfort You’ve Demanded is Now Mandatory!

Voicing discontent was the domain of the left during the ‘60s and ‘70s (civil rights, women’s liberation, nuclear disarmament, the peace movement, gay rights, socialism), and today that radical opposition has been radically sublimated into an idea of “change we can believe in” without disrupting the luxuries of life. The real change has turned symbolic. Or, in the Robespierrian sense, we want a “revolution without revolution.” Rather than radicals taking to the street in demand of a “new world,” today’s left operates closer to the center, rallying everyone to fear the catastrophe present in this world. The voice of discontent, abandoned by the left, now belongs to the radical right, and so comes the opposite extreme: distrust of government, deregulation, hatred of foreigners and gays, return of the red scare (“Socialist!”), and so on.

Message From Our Sponsors” — Jello Biafra

Stay in your homes!
Do not attempt to contact loved ones…
All sports broadcasts will proceed as normal

The post-Watergate ‘70s and ‘80s were informed, on the left, by the public’s right to know, conspiracy theories, exposés, shocking truths, and the tireless work of “waking people up.” The demand for transparency ushered us into the digital age, and strangely, continues today. Is truth being held from us today, or is it, instead, that we are deluged in truth? Literally, we are leaking truth. It’s a pornographic discharge of truth from every orifice in the country: whistleblowers, documentaries, blogs, newspapers, social media outlets, photo and video sites, books, and so on. We are more informed than we’ve ever been. The overabundance of truth paradoxically paralyses us, making it hard to quantify truth. On any given day the left (CNN), right (Fox) and cynical center (Comedy Central) jockey for ratings on truth. Consequently, the populace is largely desensitized.

The days of an Orwellian 1984 are behind us, literally. They are also, in a cyclical (recycling) sense, behind us, in that we’ve consumed them already. But doesn’t the loop of the “reduce-reuse-recycle” waste hierarchy leave us with an Orwellian absorption? Post-Consumer Newspeak! In that sense, haven’t we integrated the Orwellian foreshadowing into our forecasting? Like the short-circuited loop, we eat our tails.

Jello Biafra’s jokingly serious “message from our sponsors,” about marshal law that turns your boss into your doctor into your god is, in the short-circuited sense, at the same time irrelevant and prescient. The pre-digital era of science fiction (where computers ruled the world and robot killing machines ran free) is today, both comically untruthful and mundanely true. Our most significant moments in life are digitally controlled (banking, taxes, baby cam, cyber sex, transportation, etc.), and death is modulated by machine (drone bombers, life support systems, etc.). And through it all, we’re nonplussed. Is this not confirmation that we’ve fully recycled Orwellian paranoia, post-consumingly integrated it into our worldview ideologically? A perfect example of how obscene authority operates in the background of our life was comically typified in the story from 2009 when Amazon remotely deleted copies of Orwell’s novel, 1984, from Kindle devices without the permission or knowledge of the Kindle owners. The irony wasn’t lost on anyone, though the underlying ideological implications remained, ironically, in the background. That it could even happen both concedes, in hindsight, Orwell’s paranoia, and foreshadows absorption of that same paranoia. The short-circuiting of Orwellian authority loops Jello Biafra’s idea of marshal law, turning it from something inflicted on us, to something innate within us.

We could apply a Situationist détournement to Biafra’s punchline, “the comfort you’ve demanded is now mandatory” to be more appropriately fitting in this loop theory: The comfort you’ve demanded is now a side effect of your comfort.

The answer of the conservatives amidst this liberal circle jerk of freedom and democracy is to invoke Reagan and become even more fundamentally conservative. We see this in the attacks on Planned Parenthood, PBS and NPR. Speaking of Jello Biafra, it’s a recycling of the Moral Majority. Looking at pictures of Libyan anti-government rebels, I can’t help but recall the rightwing propaganda Brat Pack-cum-Dirty Dancing war porno that was Red Dawn. If tempted to imagine the script used when this Middle Eastern push for democracy gets sublimated into primetime entertainment, I envision a tasty, “braised militancy”-type divertissement:

SCENE: Padma (as an ambiguously ethnic cultural tie-in) greets a “troop” of tattooed and daring-haired chefs at an “undisclosed” “bunker” far off in the “desert” and after “ordering” the challengers to “battle”, unveils the special guest judges… recently liberated Libyan freedom fighters! I can just smell the dishes now: “Head of Gaddafi” (Bazeen bearing resemblance to the former colonel, surrounded by a blood-red broth of Sharba Libiya, with dried dates for eyes — “His view of justice has run dry!”), and for dessert, “Drunk on Revolution!” (alcohol, which was formerly banned,-infused Asida with dyed-green ghee to match the Libyan flag).

It’s ridiculous, but it’s imaginable, right?

Freeze Up” — Operation Ivy

Static and division is increasing like a storm
We are sheltered, we are forewarned
Nothing can be changed except ourselves

«« mieux vaut un désatre qu’un désêtre »»

I don’t contend that these are new ideas. Quite on the contrary, they seem to have been, in the Heideggerian sense, “always-already” present in society. In 1548, Etienne de la Boétie wrote, “so many men, so many villages, so many cities, so many nations, sometimes suffer under a single tyrant who has no other power than the power they give him…” As an updated recycling of Boétie’s thesis, Buadrillard wrote, in From Domination to Hegemony, “In the face of this hegemony, the work of the negative, the work of critical thought, of the relationship of forces against oppression, or of radical subjectivity against alienation, all this has (virtually) become obsolete.”

Isn’t Baudrillard’s work of critical thought, of radical subjectivity against alienation, apparent in religion today? Hasn’t religion become a self-engendering process as well? In people’s cynicism about the existence of God, or in a lax attendance to faith, don’t we find the same unattended authority running in the background? Thus, we should reexamine Jesus through this same Baudrillardian “face of hegemony.” Jesus can be used as the ultimate blueprint in becoming “radicalized,” and as such, shouldn’t we see his death as a radical renunciation of his role, as him condemning us to the responsibility of freedom?

If we think of the torture photos from the Abu Ghraib, or the impulse of television shows like “To Catch A Predator,” or this decade long search for Osama bin Laden, or the defeat and spontaneous re-proliferation of al-Qaeda forces, or the way in which we overindulge in celebrities, doesn’t all of this have the structure of misdirected persecution, misdirected resurrection, misdirected servitude? Doesn’t being overwhelmed with luxury and opulence on one hand, while being overwhelmed with the crushing market forces that make luxury impossible on the other leave us, not only unable to reverse the loop, but jaded as we attempt to? In our jadedness, being inured to the forces against us, don’t we detach, grow apathetic, and enact a misguided revenge on easier targets? In believing pedophiles are “animals,” Middle Easterners are “terrorists,” Mexicans are “aliens,” aren’t we driving the wedge further between “us” and “them?” Doesn’t this humanitarianism born of disengaged cynicism act inhumanely?

The short-circuit that allowed us to take teachings of compassion and turn them against ourselves works in the background of what we convince ourselves that we believe. The contradiction is evidenced in how we react to things like oppressive autocracy, Groupon, WikiLeaks, celebrities, and even Jesus. This ideological torsion disguises our malevolence as the work of benevolence. In the process of leading the world into democracy, we’re driving a deep wedge between different classes and faiths, between “the people” who democracy is supposed to represent. In an effort to rid the world of crime we find more and more ways to see ourselves as criminal.

In the deconstructionist sense, feeling free because we lack the very language to articulate our un-freedom, shouldn’t we start then by deconstructing our idea of freedom? Isn’t it the cynical cycle of reflexive aporia that has us ignorantly reenacting the crucifixion upon our enemies in misguided devotion to He who we crucified? The title of the Facebook group memorializing the Egyptian man who died as the result of police brutality, “We Are All Khaled Said,” and the page being attributed to “El-Shaheed” (“martyr”), invites us all, in joining the group, to become him; identifying with the martyr in protest of he who brutalized him. Isn’t the blind spot, then, in our inability to see ourselves, not as the martyr, but as the perpetrator of brutality? Isn’t the way to end the need for martyrdom in seeing our ability to brutalize?

Instead of a “change we can believe in,” shouldn’t we first believe that we can change? We need to see ourselves “radicalized,” and, until then, aren’t we just going to keep simulating the cynical short-circuit, continuing to reenact the obscene disbelief that made the crucifixion possible?

The Burden of Hope” — Grails

To discover and reveal something a little closer to truth…

But that battered word, truth, having made its appearance here, confronts one immediately with a series of riddles and has, moreover, since so many gospels are preached, the unfortunate tendency to make one belligerent. Let us say, then, that truth, as used here, is meant to imply a devotion to the human being, his freedom and fulfillment; freedom which cannot be legislated, fulfillment which cannot be charted. This is the prime concern, the frame of reference; it is not to be confused with a devotion to Humanity which is too easily equated with a Cause; and Causes, as we know, are notoriously bloodthirsty.
James Baldwin

The Howl

Posted by , October 20th, 2010
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Early this year, I got two records: Ducktails’ Landscapes and Matrix Metals’ self-titled. The two-thirds of the Ducktails record that I like consists of rinky, wistful throb supporting session-clean guitar that emotes from behind miles of mask; it sounds a lot like a play-along record, like something very important has recently been excised from it. The Matrix Metals record is far more canned and intense; it’s all just atomic fragments of what sounds like incidental music from a thousand instructional videos and offshore-bankrolled cop shows, slap-chopped into madness-inducing, pullulating near-unlistenability, then hastily looped to infinity only seconds after being taped off of someone’s tv, still wriggling. Both records are on the same Brooklyn-based boutique label, and both have cover graphics that look like they were xeroxed from Trapper Keepers, and both seem to be mining different veins of a similar kind of media-aware 1980s nostalgia: Ducktails expelling its anonymous and sentimental soundtrack in that last gasp before teen movies started using radio songs, and Matrix Metals’ compulsive channel-change supersaturating the synapses in clip-art mimcry of what we back in those pre-internet days mistook for “overload.” And while the records’ packaging and attitudes thus hint at a certain 1980s, I can hear in their very sound an echo of a different 1980s, of a more personal 1980s, of something I’ve always thought of as The Howl.

where Brooklyn at?

Deep in the teeth of my initial high-school obsession with Public Enemy and the attendant poring-over of liner notes, I was caught by the nickname of one of their producers, Eric “Vietnam” Sadler. A few years later I found out that he’d been tagged “Vietnam” because of an olive-drab army surplus coat he used to always wear, but when I first saw the name I barely gave it a second thought, mostly because I thought it couldn’t have been more perfect or more clear: The music sounded dirty and chaotic and lethal and jungly and inescapable—of course dude’s nickname is “Vietnam”; I mean, what else would it be? Similarly, though I’ve since come to understand that references to the music of “The Big 80s” usually mean big names and big record companies doing big spending in pursuit of a big sound and big videos and big spectacle (if you’re feeling ironic and/or work for VH1, you’ll also want to include something here about “…and big hair!”), but for a long time I assumed that it referred to The Howl, a sonic characteristic that seemed to me to reside in the upper air of a lot of the popular music back then. I heard it concretely in sounds like the drone that surged steadily through Kate Bush’s “Running Up That Hill,” flickering between being a real synthesizer and being a fake voice, and I felt it in abstract in things like the ether that worries and paces Phil Collins’s “In The Air Tonight,” and from which even Those Drums cannot fully deliver the song. The Howl was a particular kind of spaciousness that didn’t feel full so much as it felt cavernous; not the huge blank sterility that it’s always been branded, but something more windswept and turbulent; nothing as simple as the deadening effect of studio gloss, but something complex: a haunting–alienating and vast, vast. When I first started hearing about “The Big 80s,” I thought, “Boy, they got that right.”

it's you and me now

All that notwithstanding, when I first started perceiving this Howl, this specific kind of space, it wasn’t at all dramatic or any cause for real reflection. I was just hitting double digits in the mid-80s, and thanks to independent comic books and behind-the-times public libraries, I was already a fan of retro-future science fiction (you know the stuff: loners with fedoras and rayguns, zipping through pristine cityfuls of towering geometry in their hovering Studebakers, high above a sleek and general citizenry), and thus expected that the capital-f Future would be somewhat devoid and empty, and not unpleasantly so.

Here at home we’ll play in the city
Powered by the sun
Perfect weather for a streamlined world
There’ll be spandex jackets one for everyone

What a beautiful world this will be
What a glorious time to be free

– Donald Fagen, “I.G.Y.”

this route could be trouble

This Gernsbackian scenario seemed to be the endpoint of what I at first thought I was hearing in The Howl, and I was cool with it. I’m not gonna pretend that the music embodying it was always my favorite shit back then, but I’d definitely listen to something like “The Boys Of Summer” and think: yes, that stylish vacancy and that cleanliness and that low level of cultural detail (minimal, but vivid and carefully chosen: Cadillacs, Wayfarers, etc.–or, actually, no “etc.”), all of it propelled by this faint but distinctly modern feeling of anticipation, of rush…yes, this is the sound of what’s in store. It made sense. Again, it wasn’t always my favorite music, but I felt like it was presenting a very polished and adult future, one that didn’t seem like a bad thing to look forward to at all. Whenever it and I met, we would just step right into one another, both having finally arrived.

I'd like to say that I only paid ten cents for this, but that horrible handstyle is actually there to remind me that this side won't play through without a dime on the headshell. As for the dj markings, I can offer no explanation.


In the years immediately following, I began to hear it differently. Probably due to some cocktail of both becoming a more careful listener and the pervasive curdling effect of flowering teen anxiety, the promise implicit in these sonics began to look like something else. While I had initially been drawn in by the music’s cool professionalism as an analogue for that clean, engineered future, the more I listened, the more I began to think that the space constructed in this music was something more lonesome. The limitations of the technology started coming into view: All these synthesizer textures and subtle studio washes felt like clear attempts to affect something like what brushed drums do in jazz–eliminate the dead spaces, fill up the room, and keep some kind of moving current under everything—but they couldn’t yet approximate those imperceptible swells and diminuendos that mark human work, so what was instead created was this creeping, disembodied pulse that seemed to go on forever, and which gave the lie to the alluring immediacy that the songs were insisting upon. The songs were hundred-story-tall feats of engineering that required whole hangars of auditory space to assemble; but they were only meant to show off the height that they could attain—masking the surrounding depths was a necessity, lest the perceptual process of the listener possibly tangle and darken with effort. The kind of records that were able to shake this—Sade, George Michael, “Planet Rock”–succeeded not by puffing to fill more space in a misguided attempt to balloon closer to the listener, but rather by stripping down and flattening the space around them; by ignoring dimensionality, these songs seemed to come much closer to occupying all their possibility. They sound plummy and total. In contrast, the music that I’m talking about here made the killing flaw of believing that the alienating expanses could somehow be camouflaged by, that any limit could be established by perpetual keyboard underthrob, massed chiffons of synthetic angel breath, or any other digital atmospheric whose very reason was its limitlessness, its ability to define a void.

In this flaw is the genesis of The Howl. All of these happenings within the music, when viewed from the outside (which has always been my only vantage point), had an increasingly isolating effect on me. What I heard were these very frontal, appealing songs that nonetheless sounded like they had bad fathoms stretching out behind them. As a teenager, I considered it my prerogative not to think too much about the latter, but I found myself nagged by the weird turbulence that seemed to blow through the whole of these songs in a way that I could neither ignore nor understand. This was not the populist, cosmopolitan tabula rasa that was so tantalizing in that Donald Fagen song, so comforting in its stylish surfaces and lack of secrecy. This was more like a Cy Twombly text painting, recognizable as writing, but cropped into illegibility; there is a clear frequency there, but one that you are nonetheless somehow unable to receive, an inability made all the more frustrating and shaming by the very recognizability of the subject. That’s how it felt to me, to on one level recognize this radio music as reflexive birthright, absolute lingua franca, but to also sense deep in its fiber this eternal current stretching far beyond my vision, ungraspable to me but essential, I was sure, to everything. Whatever was going on up front in these songs, there was always a missed train leaving out the back.

for friend


“…Because I know exactly when film noir began,” Thomson said weirdly. And he went on to recount, for a class of students born in the early 1980s, the impact of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on 22 November 1963.

But that, he said, “was not where film noir began.” We were all of us in the seminar room beginning to wonder what in the world Thomson was getting at, but we were also nervous. “Film noir,” he said, “began in the basement of a Dallas police station, two days later,” when Jack Ruby shot Lee Harvey Oswald—when, to make history into genre, a nightclub owner shot and killed the man arrested for the crime.

But wait, everyone thought—and the question would have been asked out loud if Thomson had not been moving so fast—film noir goes back to the early 1940s; how could it begin in 1963?

–and it was then,” Thomson said of that moment in the police station, “that all the paranoia and fear that film noir had been prophesying for twenty years, the sense that our lives are not our own, that forces we cannot name are ruling our lives and our destinies—it was then that everything that film noir had prophesied in America exploded into real life.”

The assassination of President Kennedy, and then the removal of that event from the realm of what could be known to the realm of mystery, to a realm where one felt what could not be known as a rebuke and an oppression…

— Greil Marcus, The Shape Of Things To Come

Along with The Howl, I was also at the time conscious of another sonic element, one which I never thought of as having a name but which I will here refer to as The Chant. Like The Howl, The Chant was primarily a post-Fairlight phenomenon, but one that aspired to an earthier, more organic sound. It’s in the open-mouthed “ee-yo-oh”s of The Police’s “Every Little Thing She Does Is Magic,” the ersatz bamboo-flute trill that opens Peter Gabriel’s “Sledgehammer,” and on and on. The Chant always seemed like it was trying to tap into the kind of low-grade globalism that was stirring back then. It was meant to evoke distance, yes, but a benign variety: the distance between you the first-world listener and the rest of your multi-hued fellow travelers on the Big Blue Marble, a distance that can be closed—and so easily, too, can’t you see?–right here in this very song, perhaps via strategic employment of unobtrusive hand-drumming. One world, man–one world. This was a soft distance, the distance in The Chant, the distance between Here and There, and just to register it was to start to ameliorate it; there are all these cool and exotic things and peoples that you’ve never been exposed to, but that’s okay, because now that you’ve been exposed to this scrubbed sliver of the Other, the awakening can begin. Seen?

One World (Not Three)


But The Howl embodied something far more difficult: the distance here at home. Whenever I heard The Chant in some song or another, though I might have felt a small reflective twinge of “Wow, maybe there really is all this stuff out there in The One World that I’m just completely missing,” those pangs never stuck for long, because whatever I was missing was obviously some exotic stuff that wasn’t really for me anyway. But when I’d hear The Howl in a song, I felt like I was missing something that I should by all counts recognize; this was resolutely American-style pop music, my native idiom, but some part of it was still eluding me, and in this I “felt what could not be known as a rebuke and an oppression.” It was one thing to hear Ladysmith Black Mambazo radiating out of some Paul Simon song and to think for a minute about my remove from sunny, faraway lands that I would possibly never see; it was something else altogether, something far more unnerving and displacing, to listen to Bruce Hornsby And The Range’s “The Way It Is,” to understand it as being a song just as corny and frontal as I knew myself to be, and yet to recognize at its periphery an ongoing dark hum—the barely audible synthesizer druling in the background, yes, but also something woven between the lacunae within it and around it—a faint but ceaseless buzz of unknowability. There seemed to me to be no place at all in this dopey bummer of a song by Bruce Fucking Hornsby for any streak of mystery, but still, there it was—I was sure I heard it; and the fact that I heard it, the fact that I couldn’t ignore it, and the fact that I couldn’t get my mind around what exactly I was hearing, all this combined to make me feel as though I was being cast out of something. That in my inability to make sense of this one part of the ongoing conversation, I was being denied access to the full landscape of my own speech; and that in recognizing that some consistent mechanism was at work through it all, I was being denied even the romance of the void.

a thousand miles away


I think my conception of the particular isolation effected by The Howl has a lot to do with being a midwesterner. I spent an important middle sixteen years in the South, but I spent the first nine and the last eleven in the midwest, and to paraphrase the old saying about Catholics, I know that I will behave and misbehave as a midwesterner long after I have stopped residing as a midwesterner. To be a midwesterner is to be an inhabitant of limits and consequences. There is maybe a certain heightened connection to the natural world (maybe), and possibly better overall perspective, but it’s bollixed up in pervading awareness of your (and your neighborhood’s and your town’s and your state’s) relative inconsequence to history and to news. (Note: This might be a good time to point out that I’m talking here about my own decades-old midwest; folks below a certain age are just gonna have to take my word that before the internet collapsed everything this kind of regionalism and these kinds of borders used to exist and used to kinda make a difference.) And what’s more/worse, the temperate quality of the seasons extends deep into the regional soul, tending to blunt your sense of the dramatic and make too much gothic fixation on what you might like to think of as the extremities of your own surroundings feel ridiculous. Much of what happens here happens not where we are taught that Big Things happen, not within buzzy little warrens of import and cool, but instead within open locations of blatancy and blank function. It was all about sifting things out of the empty, staying open to any shred of freak shit that you might be able to fold into your own history, that second set of books you were keeping to someday supplant the utterly unusable history that you came into (“Birthplace Of That Famous Guy Who Left As Soon As He Could!”).

round at both ends


That’s why Miami Vice was a really big deal to me: because on the one hand it was other-planetarily exotic and cool and art-directed to within an inch of its life, but on the other hand, it felt fully familiar, essentially midwestern. It was total Howl TV. Long periods of nothing much at all, occasionally punctuated by these small, intense episodes that echoed in my adolescent-head eternity and that I struggled in vain to connect. There’d be some long, elliptical conversation on some long, boring porch or in some big, dumb breezeway, or on some long drive through nowhere and to nowhere, and then there’d be a funeral with a goat in the coffin, or a few seconds of Willie Nelson packing a backgammon case full of drugs, or a scene in a hangarlike warehouse with three purple mannequins hung ritualistically by link-chain collars, a guy in a suit comes along and kisses the mons of one of them, then shoots all three to splinters with a machine gun. It was electrifying because I was a sheltered kid with a nose for the prurient, but it was terrifying because I saw these mindbending things adrift in this sea of empty space, dead time, and meaningless talk—a sea that ultimately washed them over and under and carried on. That these horrific things could happen in the first place was far less scary to me than the fact that they could happen and not be a big deal. Just back to the car. Back to the porch for more talk. The legs of Icarus thrashing in the water are nothing compared to the man focused on his own plow, his bent neck’s nape looking just like his brown horse’s ass. Know what I mean? I couldn’t let myself believe that the boring shit would win, and I was sure that these eruptions were too outlandish to not all somehow form some kind of constellation, and at moments I felt like I had the key almost in hand. But I was young, and the expanses were vast, and a week was a long time back then, and The Howl yawned, and between this episode and the next, the drift would have sucked everything through my fingers.

I gots to plead the fifth


Like the kind of desperate bricolage that it took to try and make sense of the interesting parts of Miami Vice, the gymnastics of heart and mind that it took to connect the disruptions in midwestern texture was an intensely energizing effort. Because maybe one of your friends lucked into a handed-down issue of some zine that mentioned a tape that you could special-order from Record Bar and whose liner notes mentioned some book that you could special-order from B. Dalton and which opened with a epigraph that revealed itself to be the source of the cryptic title that was written on an otherwise unmarked cassette dub that someone’s brother in college had left in someone’s car and that you’d been too afraid to ask about because you didn’t want to seem like the kind of square that wouldn’t know what was the name of the tape and what was the name of the band which you didn’t know but now you sort of knew and it all let you feel as though you were, piece by piece, cracking the code to the world of cool that had been at some point long ago cleft at its equator and divided evenly and exclusively between New York and LA. It’s the kind of brief, beautiful bloom that can only occur in a place and time where you have so little larger external context for anything cool that you are forced to rely solely on inner context, to believe that every cool thing you know about must therefore necessarily be related somehow. But it was also nerve-wracking, because the shadow of reason grows, and even as you’re carried along on the exhilaration of finally maybe getting everything to make sense, finally managing to frankenstein everything you like into what you’re sure this time must correspond to an existing and accepted aesthetic, there’s this slowly worming doubt: these things, these things that you’ve been pivoting on, that you’ve used to make the case for (and to) yourself—maybe they’re the wrong things. Even if you’re secure in how your mind has connected all of them to each other, in the pre-internet, no-cable, flyover-country absence of any accessible validating system, the great (if suppressed) unknown is how they connect to everything else that might be out there. That twelve-inch that you blind-bought because you recognized that one name from the j-card, and which you thought sounded great and really tied in with that book that she lent you and subsequently became your, like, map for that whole summer? What if that very twelve-inch is known—by Those Who Know—to be the group’s total sell-out move, the single blight on their catalog? Are you unwittingly going out like those hayseeds from Russia or wherever who stepped off the boat with an idea of America formed entirely by Billy Joel or “Rappin’ Duke” or Charles In Charge or something similarly irrelevant? If it turns out, after all and everything, that you have placed your faith incorrectly, can your center still hold?

"Hey, do you guys have anything by Scratch A47?"


For me, that is the test that lies coiled at the center of The Howl, unanswerable. I’ve thought a lot about this particular body of music and about whether I’m asking too little, seeing it as pop music that is mine by right and should thus give up its lone sapphire—its workings—so easily and gratefully, or asking too much, focusing on insignificancies and scrabbling for connection and continuity where there is none. I’ve felt bad for being unable to resolve the pop music that I can hear with the void that I can sense within it, and I’ve felt bad even for feeling bad, because whatever once seemed to be at stake is now either a kind of future that I no longer believe will come or a kind of coherence that I no longer believe matters. And if that’s so—if I’ve been asking too much or too little, if I can now neither complete the circuit nor convince myself that its completion would the key to anything—then where does that leave me and all my years? I’ve been so long chasing these flickers across the widening gyres, and still I remain this version of Penelope at her loom: the essentially under-informed midwesterner operating on obscure pieces of information, seeking unifying profundity in Miami Vice, mooning over the caged quality of the attempted high-lonesome at the end of “I’m On Fire,” panning through it all for nuggets that will shore up my bridge to nowhere. If The Howl was once my sense of whatever was closing me out, it’s become clear that it is instead whatever has closed me in. I don’t worry about my 80s like I used to, but they do retain for me that slight salt of unfinished days, and in hearing records like Ducktails and Matrix Metals and recognizing in them an insistence upon the resonance and the load-bearing capabilities of these gathered echoes, I can feel a connection once again just beyond my grasp.

Space is doubt; I have constantly to mark it, to designate it. It’s never mine, never given to me. I have to conquer it.

- Georges Perec

But the house is haunted and the ride gets rough

and you’ve got to learn to live with what you can’t rise above

if you want to ride on down

down in through this tunnel of love

- Bruce Springsteen


- There’s a car around my neighborhood with a bumper sticker that says “HOWL If You Love City Lights Book Store.” There’s another car with “I’d Rather Be Reading Bukowski,” and still another with “I’d Rather Be Reading Jane Austen.” The situation is deplorable, really. I’ve recently seen a car with a Foetus Interruptus sticker, but it feels like too little, too late.

- The only show that comes close to Miami Vice in terms of sheer Howl TV is Twin Peaks. Twin Peaks comes in second, though, for what I feel is an over-reliance on establishing shots of trees.

- One Friday night in middle school, my friend Brent came by with his pastel-accented slimline boombox and we walked around our neighborhood in the dark, blasting “In The Air Tonight” on repeat and affecting a ridiculous Run-DMC-informed strut. We were kinda goofing, but it also felt like we were trying to ward off something.

- At the markets in Charleston, South Carolina, there are these Gullah weavers who are regionally renowned for the intricate baskets they make from sweetgrass and for their sometimes impenetrable dialect. I now know that the Sunset Grill in Don Henley’s song of the same name is in Hollywood, but I was living in South Carolina when that song was all on the radio, and always assumed that the line about how “the basket people walk around and mumble” meant that it was a song about Charleston.

- My man Jonny said one time that the genre-defining toodling that opens “Sledgehammer” was actually sampled from an Alpha Blondy record. Can anyone confirm?

- In high school, I noticed that the negative space between the facing Es in the Sleep Chamber logo kinda-sorta formed the cross from the Psychic TV logo. I was sure that this meant that they were in fact secretly the same band.

- A few years ago, in the course of spectating Sheer Magic’s unsurpassable monthly funk night here in Chicago, my man Rob and I were discussing what it is that makes midwestern soul and funk so potent. We went back and forth about a lot of things, but he ultimately came up with what I think is the right answer: “It has something to do with the seasons.”

The Rich Will Never Be On Our Side

Posted by , September 9th, 2010
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For Chilean folk singer Victor Jara the cost of non-conformity was his life. On September 16, 1973, he was killed. Despite 4 days of torture and having army officers mockingly ask him to play guitar after breaking his arms, Jara, forever on the side of the people, instead sang “Venceremos” (We Shall Triumph), the campaign song of the Popular Unity coalition. He was shot and killed, his body was dumped in the outskirts of Santiago.

Jara was a poet and songwriter, an activist and outspoken supporter of the Marxist president Salvador Allende. The Popular Unity coalition (Unidad Popular), the party backing Allende, sought equality for the people of Chile in an effort to bring her out of third world conditions. Thanks to documents produced from a Freedom of Information Act request, longstanding suspicions are confirmed that the United States government was complicit in the damage done to Chile in resistance to president Allende’s aim for cultural equality.

Much effort has gone into convincing Americans of the evils inherent in Marxism, socialism, communism and any leader who espouses such philosophies. Interestingly, if we actually look at Allende’s economic, social and political initiations, Marxism reveals itself much more humane than capitalism, which is exactly why there’s so much propaganda against Marxism in America.

Allende was a doctor, and as evidenced from his earliest work in politics as the Minister of Health, he was concerned most for the health and well-being of everyone in Chile. Allende spearheaded many reforms, including the creation of maternity care programs, increased pensions for widows, free lunch programs for poor children, safety laws to protect factory workers, and legislation that brought medical attention to three million Chileans. This was the face of Allende’s Marxist socialism platform, or as he often referred to it, “social democracy.” The Popular Unity program benefited all Chileans. The only people to whom it was detrimental were the handful of elite, super wealthy businessmen of Chile and the United States corporations who had interests in Chile’s main resource, copper.

Chile leads every other country in the world in its production of copper, and there were two main transnational corporations exploiting that production, International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) and Kennecott Copper Corporation.

An American army lieutenant founded ITT, and as corporations do, ITT acquired other corporations around the world. These included not only communication companies but also electronics and aircraft manufacturers. ITT built and sold fighter planes, radios and radars for the Nazis. In fact, ITT won a $27 million settlement for damage from Allied forces to one of its aircraft manufacturing plants in Germany.

As soon as Allende showed strength in Chile, ITT began a campaign to overthrow the Popular Unity coalition. Through newspapers and telephone companies owned by the corporation, ITT began a smear campaign against Allende. There was also money funneled through the U.S. government, specifically the CIA, to prepare a military overthrow of Allende.  A year before Allende was killed an American reporter disclosed a memo from Dita Beard, an ITT lobbyist, showing collusion between ITT, the Justice Department and the White House. ITT funded the Republican National Convention in return for a favorable settlement in an antitrust suit against ITT. Even before Allende was killed, ITT proved itself to be terribly inhumane: supporting the Nazis, involvement in Watergate, and the assassination of Chilean people. While ITT was terrible in its humanity, they were very successful as a corporation. The tenets of corporate business put profit over everything else. Stockholders demand action that serves the corporation regardless of “outside interests.” If the life and welfare of people fall within the scope of outside interests, that’s not the concern of the corporation. As proven in recent history, a corporation, now recognized as a legal person, is afforded more rights than a natural person, especially in areas of bankruptcy and mass tort litigation.

«« It follows a pattern if you dig what I mean »»

[As an aside — and in an effort to keep some tenuous link to all things record-related, I should mention that ITT has the distinguished honor of being detested in song by more than one artist. Gil Scott-Heron brilliantly tied all the politics of time together in his, “H2O-Gate Blues.” Fela Kuti, Nigeria’s king of afrobeat took on ITT directly, criticizing them for devastating Africa in exploitation of her natural resources.]

Sadly, Salvador Allende’s overthrow was not the first, nor the bloodiest, in the American effort to “democratize” the world. There is a certain doublespeak engaged by politicians, businessmen and news outlets. It’s a well-established, thinly-veiled technique that most people are cynically immune to. Using trillions of “defense” dollars to help “liberate” countries and allow them to “participate” in world democracy, while our transnational corporations gain access to business opportunities within their borders. This economic imperialism — whether it be copper in Chile, oil in the Niger delta, lithium in Afghanistan, minerals for electronics from the Congo, United Fruit’s banana republic in Honduras and Guatemala, blood diamonds in Liberia — covers the world and intensifies the imbalance between the rich and poor, those with access to technology and those left in the dark, and the healthy and the hungry. The doublespeak of democracy conceals itself in the idea of the American dream. The inalienable rights — that is, those entitlements in our absolute possession, unable to be taken from us — life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that all men are created equal, are purported to be available to everyone while a system of exploitation works against those rights. Those who can claw their way out of the system of exploitation are often championed, in a “rags to riches” style, as examples of the American dream coming true. In reality, though, those who overcome the exploitation are a rare few. For as long as a system that allows one class to exploit another exists, there will be a majority who toil to serve a select few. It was the idea of an actual democracy — of the people, for the people, by the people — that Allende worked toward.

On the first anniversary of his presidency, Allende said, “Democracy and freedom are incompatible with unemployment and lack of housing, the lack of culture, illiteracy and sickness. How is democracy strengthened? By creating more jobs, giving better wages, building more homes, providing the people with more culture, education and better health.” These words could be from any democratic president, as the rhetoric sounds the same. The only difference is that Allende acted on his statements. Worker wages were raised, rents were frozen, free milk was provided for children, hospitals were ordered to treat all who sought medical attention, and small businesses were given tax breaks. Allende began a massive agrarian reform and asked workers to participate in an economy that they now had a stake in. As a result, unemployment plummeted to less than 4 percent, production rose, and more citizens than ever before (especially the youth) engaged in the political process.

Through all the reform Allende was plagued with imperialist insolence at the hands of the White House. Funneling millions of U.S. taxpayer dollars into preparing covert operatives out of the embassy in Santiago for a coup, creating an “invisible” economic blockade against Chile’s industrial plants and natural resources, cutting all humanitarian aid, as well as funding extreme fascist groups. White House-appointed CIA gunmen assassinated the army chief of staff, René Schneider and naval Captain Arturo Araya. Allende supporters within the Chilean military were tortured, resulting in many resignations, including the commander-in-chief of the army, General Carlos Prats. These crimes, coupled with legislation limiting Allende from making military appointments, allowed the White House-chosen General Augusto Pinochet to become commander-in-chief of the Army.

Despite all of this, Allende went before the United Nations General Assembly and spoke truth to power, advocating humanity over murder, democracy over the exploitation of transnational corporations, peace over war profiteering, and health and education for all:

We are aware of the fact that, when we denounce the financial and economic blockade applied against us, it is somewhat difficult for world opinion, and even for some of our fellow citizens, to understand what we mean. This aggression is not overt and has not been openly declared to the world; on the contrary, it is an oblique, underhand, indirect form of aggression, although this does not make it any less damaging to Chile. We are having to face forces that operate in the half-light, that fight with powerful weapons, but fly no identifying flags and are entrenched in the most varied centers of influence…

What I have just described to the assembly amounts to a perversion of the fundamental nature of international agencies, the utilization of which as tools of the policies of individual member states is legally and morally unacceptable no matter how powerful such states may be. Such misuse represents the exertion of pressure on an economically weak country, the infliction of punishment on a whole nation for its decision to recover its own basic resources, and a premeditated form of intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. In a word, it is what we call imperialist insolence…

Unable to stop him any other way, the White House orchestrated a coup d’état through General Pinochet. On September 11, 1973, Allende was murdered in the presidential palace. Pinochet was declared president by military junta and immediately totalitarian tactics reigned supreme in Chile.

The press was censored. Students, priests, political activists and women who wore slacks were arrested. Fascists groups burned books in the street that they deemed “subversive.” Under martial law, congress was suspended; all labor organizations, independent judiciary and free press were outlawed. When jails overflowed in Santiago, suspected criminals were herded into sports stadiums and tortured, if not shot on sight. The water of the Mapocho River was reported to turn reddish-brown as bodies, legs and arms floated in the water. Over 200,000 Chileans fled the country seeking exile. Thousands who chose to stay were “disappeared,” most being tortured and killed, buried in mass graves or dumped from helicopter into the Pacific Ocean.

Most of the governments around the world refused to recognize Pinochet’s military dictatorship or broke off diplomatic relations in protest. The U.S., however, immediately recognized Pinochet as Chile’s president and rushed in economic aid. Even the 2006 New York Times obituary of Pinochet mentions that he “led the country into an era of robust economic growth.” It fails to mention the decade of extreme poverty, fear and unemployment under Pinochet prior to the era of growth. And, the “robust economic growth” was based on Milton Friedman’s “free market” philosophy that privatized all state enterprises, including social security, cut worker wages, restricted labor unions, sharply increased unemployment and, according to a 1994 World Bank report, left 40 percent of Chileans living on three-fourths of daily calories required to subsist. Through re-strengthening of NAFTA, the WTO and other trade organizations, Chile’s copper resources are back in the hands of transnational corporations. Pinochet inherited his economic plan for Chile from a group of economists, studying under Milton Friedman, who opposed Allende and secretly prepared a stratagem for Chile that would be advantageous to American interests. This new economic policy, El Ladrillo (“the brick”), set forth “reforms” by way of deregulation and privatization. The copper industry remained nationalized under Pinochet, but through legislation and consolidation all outside corporate interests were allowed, once again, controlling interest.

In February of 1971, Allende presciently said:

Ever since my youth I have fought to bury prejudice and obsolete political frameworks for all time. Destiny has willed that I should head this democratic revolution in Chile, this struggle in which the word democracy has a much broader significance than when it is indiscriminately used to conceal essentially anti-democratic and reactionary political attitudes… our government’s action against the monopolies which have plundered the Chilean economy and our attempts to recover the basic natural resources of the country for the Chilean people will affect certain North American private interests. However, we are sure that these interests cannot be identified with the greatest historical purposes of the North American people… whose progressive traditions I respect.

President Allende’s five guiding principles for democracy (from his 1971 message to congress), legality, development of institutions, political freedom, nonviolence, and areas of social ownership, in comparison to General Pinochet’s 1974 declaration, “all government opponents will be crushed and made to disappear” — and which form of government the United States chose to support, tells a terribly sad story of the state of our collective American dream. At the end of Pinochet’s reign, investigators found he had stolen $28 million from Chile. A long legal battle to charge him with genocide ended unsuccessfully when doctors deemed him unfit, though media outlets claim he was “embarrassed” by constant reports of his crimes before he died. The trend of absolving ourselves of guilt by sacrificing villains after they have become harmless continues, and it leaves the criminals of capital largely at liberty to perpetuate the systems the villains helped create.

The propaganda of misinformation in the U.S. survives, as the transnational corporations that own the media outlets and lobby influence over the government see that their agenda sets the tone for how events of the world are discussed — agendas that place profit and expansion and markets above human consideration. It’s no surprise then, that when the San José mine collapsed on August 5, 2010, the “story” in all the newspapers focused on spectacle and sensation; where the family members of the trapped miners were camping, keeping vigil; how to break the bad news to the trapped miners that it would take several months to get them out; the psychological effect of being trapped underground; how NASA had been called in to help, and what kind of state-of-the-art equipment they were using. The part of the story that saw very little coverage was the unsafe history of the mine; how other miners had previously died as the result of similar collapses; the mine has been shut down after the family of a miner who died in 2007 sued the owners; the mine had been fined over 40 times for breach of safety regulations. Empresa Minera San Esteban, the company who owns the mine, taking a page from the Enron book of business, plans to declare bankruptcy to protect its investments from legal actions taken by the trapped miners or their families.

Copper contributes to most of our daily activities because of its use in printed circuit boards, integrated circuits, wiring as well as hundreds of other applications, such as refrigeration, air conditioning and musical instruments. For those of us that use computers, the Internet, listen to- and play music, copper makes these activities possible. This digital age allows us to enrich our lives and have access to cultures that were the stuff of adventurers just a generation ago. Travel has been made easier; cell phone technology allows us to talk to just about anyone, anywhere; we carry small battery-powered devices for communication, entertainment and business; we can eat as if at a world’s fair every day of the week. All of that is possible because of copper in Chile, oil in the Niger delta, lithium in Afghanistan, minerals for electronics from the Congo, United Fruit’s banana republic in Honduras and Guatemala. The transnational corporations who exploit these natural resources, as well as the corporations who turn the resources into consumer goods, will advertise about the happy possibilities their products provide, but we as consumers know on whose backs those products were brought into existence?

As people around the world are trapped in mines, raped for minerals, poisoned by their employers and suffer at the hands of corporations we have to acknowledge what being the human element that runs capitalism and democracy means to the world. The promise of the American dream is that anyone can strike it rich; while the reality is that one percent of the population control the purse strings while the rest of us work in service of that one percent.

Allende knew this when he addressed the United Nations Third Conference on Trade and Development in Santiago, April 13, 1972:

The basic mission of this third session is the replacement of an outdated and unjust economic and trade order by an equitable one based on a new concept of man and human dignity, and to promote the reformulation of an international division of labor which the less advanced countries can no longer tolerate, inasmuch as it obstructs their progress while it favors only the affluent nations… The human being should be the object and the goal of all development policies and of all desirable forms of international cooperation. This is a concept which must be borne in mind in every discussion, in every decision, in every policy measure which aims at fostering progress whether at the national or multinational level… We want to lay the foundations for a new society which will offer its members social equality, welfare, freedom and dignity.

The New Chilean Song Movement (“La Nueva Canción Chilena”) was the embodiment, in sound, of all that Allende hoped for Chile. It’s no wonder that after the coup, one of the first orders of business for Pinochet’s military forces was to destroy Discoteca del Cantar Popular (the radical record company that released many of the new song artists), destroying not only the office and studio, but also the master recordings themselves. Today, the new songs survive from old LPs that made it out of Chile.

Stu Cohen, in cooperation with Rounder Records, released Chile Vencera! An Anthology of Chilean New Song, 1962 — 1973, and the royalties were donated to the Chile Defense Committee. The album is a compilation of new song artists culled from records that weren’t destroyed by the military junta. All the musicians on the album were directly affected by the junta. Victor Jara, as mentioned at the beginning, was murdered by the military, Angel Parra was sent to prison, Isabel Parra and Patricio Castillo managed to escape Chile and seek exile, Quilapayun and Inti Illimani happened to be on tour in Europe during the coup and remained in exile.

Bob Dylan has often been championed as the “voice of a generation,” a title even he takes issue with. Dylan’s ability to write that which seem so real in the mind of the listener is remarkable, and he deserves the praise he so often gets for his songwriting. But as a revolutionary or leader of the counter-culture, can we expect revolutionary innovation from someone whose profession it is to monopolize under established social conditions? It should be obvious that such revolutionary innovations come only from people who have received universal hostility and persecution from the status quo. For the people of Chile — the miners, agrarians, peasants, the proletariat — Victor Jara and the other artists of the Nueva Canción were exactly such, revolutionaries! Here is a small selection from the Chile Vencera! album:

“Al Centro De Injusticia” — Isabel Parra

This song is a particularly fine example of pre-Allende social commentary. It attacks what is in terms of what should be. It is directed against the Eduardo Frei government, the upper classes, and the profiteering foreign business.

(Link to the lyrics in Spanish)

Chile is limited in the north by Peru
And by Cape Horn in the south
In the east there rises the cordillera
While in the west the coast
In the middle, the verdant valleys
Where people multiply
Each family has many kids
Who live poorly
Of course, some live comfortably
But covered with the blood of the slaughtered
In front of the most arrogant
Agriculture poses its questions
We buy potatoes from many nations
Though they originated in the south of Chile
In front of the tricolored flag
Mining is very difficult
The miner produces good money
But it goes into foreigners’ pockets
Booming industries where several ladies
Work for a few pennies
And they have to do it, because
Their husbands’ pay is not enough for a month
To escape the anguish of this pain
In the starry night I shut my voice
The homeland is beautiful Mr. Tourist
But they don’t show you the slums
While they spent millions in a moment
People die in astonishing numbers
Too much money in the the public parks
While there is great misery in the hospitals
In the middle the of Alameda de las Delicias

Chile stands at the center of injustice

“Vamos Mujer” — Quilapayún

“Let’s go Woman” is drawn from another cantata (Cantata Santa Maria de Iquique, 1969), possibly the single most famous record released in Chile by the New Song Movement. Written by Luis Advis, one of Chile’s foremost classical composers, the cantata attests to the degree to which the movement was having an effect on areas beyond folk music.

The cantata tells the story of a massacre of miners and their families that occurred in the north of Chile in 1907. The miners and the families had gone to Iquique, a large northern port to protest the conditions in the nitrate mines. Their peaceful protest was met with bullets and several thousand were killed. The massacre was the single most important event in the development in the militant workers’ movement in Chile. The rhythms and melodies come from the traditional folklore of the north. The narrator is Hector Duvachelle.

(Link to the lyrics in Spanish)

The workers had accumulated many wrongs
Much poverty and many injustices
Finally, they could no longer stand it, and the words
Had to demand that which they were owed

At the end of 1907
The strike in San Lorenzo was stirring
And the cry which exploded in the desert
Was heard at once by all

From one mine to the other, like blasts
They heard protests of the workers
From one mine to the other, the owners
With their scornful, indifferent faces

What could the owners care of the rebellion
Of the dispossessed, of the outcasts
Soon they will return, repent
Brought by hunger, their heads lowered

What happens then, if no one listens
Each brothers asked the other
What we ask for is just and it’s so little
Must we lose hope?

So, with love and with suffering
Their wills were united
In only one place would they understand
They had to go down to the big port

Let’s go woman, we are leaving
For the city
All will be different
There can be no doubt
There can be no doubt, have faith
Soon you will see
That in Iquique
They’ll understand

Take my poncho woman
It will cover you
Take the little one in your arms
He will not cry
He will not cry, have faith
Soon he will smile
You will sing him a song
And then he will sleep

What is it that’s happening? Tell me
Don’t be silent any longer

It’s just a long road
You must travel
Over the hills
Let’s go woman
Let’s go woman, have faith
We must arrive
In the city we will be able
To see the whole ocean

They say that Iquique is big
Like a Salar [a huge nitrate mining area]
With many beautiful houses
That you will like
That you will like, have faith
As there is a God
There in the port
All will be better

What is it that’s happening? Tell me
Don’t be silent any longer

Let’s go woman, we are leaving
For the city
All will be different
There can be no doubt
There can be no doubt, have faith
Soon you will see
That in Iquique
They’ll understand

“La Democracia” — Angel Parra

Many of Angel’s songs are written with biting satire. “La Democracia” is no exception. The tone is set in the first few lines and it never lets up. The expression, “let the dogs bark” in the last verse is from a 16th century Spanish play.

(Link to the lyrics in Spanish)

How beautiful is democracy in this lovely country
How pretty are the slums that they build
This permits poor and rich alike
To have the same right when called to the polls
I am a democrat, a technocrat, a plutocrat and a hypocrite

I like democracy because it lets you observe
The fantastic progress of those who have the freedom
To exploit a few and increase their capital
Besides, our rights, and I say it happily
Permit that blacks and whites admire the monuments
I am a democrat, a technocrat, a plutocrat and a hypocrite

And without problems of class or religious creed
We can see how the “cute ones” land on the moon
And in the reserved or common seats
See how Colo-Colo [a soccer team] wins
I like democracy winter and summer
The cops practice shooting at young libertarians
I am a democrat, a technocrat, a plutocrat and a hypocrite

Of course, some starving, wretched ones
Would like to change because they are envious
Let me say to the people, let the dogs bark [so not worry]
I like democracy, I say it with dignity
If you hear sabre rattlings, it is mere chance
I am a democrat, a technocrat, a plutocrat and a hypocrite

“Las Casitas Barrio Alto” — Victor Jara

This song is an example of the international borrowing that went on during the period of folk revivals in many countries. In the U.S., Pete Seeger frequently performed “Guantanamera.” In Chile, Seeger’s recording of Malvina Reynold’s song, “Little Boxes,” became popular, and “Las Casitas Barrio Alto” is Victor Jara’s version changed to fit the Chilean reality.
[Dopesmokers take note, this is the Weeds theme song.]

(Link to the lyrics in Spanish)

The little houses of the rich suburb
With fences and gardens
A beautiful car entrance
Waiting for a Peugeot
They are pink, green, white and light blue
The little houses of the rich suburb
Made with Elmer’s Glue

And the people of the little houses
They smile and visit each other
They go together to the supermarket
And they all have TVs

There are dentists, merchants, landowners and pushers
Lawyers and pensioners and they all wear polyester

They play bridge, have martinis
And the children are all blond
And with other blonds
They go together to the fancy school

And then the spoiled daddy’s boy
Goes off to college
Where he becomes concerned
With social problems
He smokes in his Austin Mini
He plays with bombs and politics
He kills generals
[referring to the assassination of René Schneider]
And is a seditious gangster

“El Pueblo Unido Jamas Sera Vencido” — Quilapayún

“El Pueblo Unido” is one of the great, optimistic peoples’ fighting songs produced by the New Song movement. It is sung here in concert by Quilapayún, appearing at the First International Festival of Popular Peoples’ Song in Santiago. The recording was made in 1973, the year of the coup.

(Link to the lyrics in Spanish)

The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated

Stand up to sing, we know we’re going to win
Flags of unity are moving forward
And you will march at my side
And you will see your song and your banner grow
The red light of dawn
Announces the life to come

Stand up to fight, the people shall win
There is a better life coming
To conquer our happiness
In a clamor a thousand fighting voices
Will rise and sing a song of freedom

With determination the homeland will win

And now, the people that rise to fight
With a giant’s voice crying, “Forward!”
The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated

The homeland is forging its unity
From north to south they will mobilize
From the burning mineral salt mines
To the southern forests, they will go united in battle and work

They will cover the homeland
Their march announces the future

Stand up to sing, the people shall win
Imposing truth from millions within

The fiery steel battalions
Their hands bring justice and reason
Woman, with fire and courage
You are already here, together with the workers

And now the people stand to fight
With a giant’s voice, they shout, “Forward!”
The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated
The people united shall never be defeated

If you’re interested in a distinctly Chilean view of Allende, Pinochet and the coup, Patricio Guzmán has made a number of documentaries on the subject. First, The Battle of Chile, a three-part, four-and-a-half hour documentary that spends most of its time in the streets. From 1972 through 1979, five people made the film using one camera with film supplied by French artist Chris Marker. Of course, the military junta banned the film. Before it was banned, it was secretly stored in the Swedish Embassy in Santiago and the raw footage had to be smuggled out of Chile to be edited in Cuba and released in France through Marker. The cinematographer, Jorge Müller Silva, was “disappeared” by the Pinochet. In 2004 Guzmán released Salvador Allende, a documentary about the personal impact Allende and the Popular Unity had on Guzmán’s life. The film spends time with Chileans in a post-Pinochet reflection on a dream that was cut short. It’s particularly hard to watch folks reflect, often for the first time publicly, on what it meant to be part of Allende’s democratic revolution; a worker who states one of his biggest regrets was not positioning himself with others in front of the presidential palace when the military was bombing Allende, who was locked inside; a family, who had buried a photo album of Popular Unity-related events during the Pinochet dictatorship, unearth the memories and express their regret.

Two correlative points worth mentioning at the close. First, Salvador Allende’s life, as well as his dream for a social democracy, were cut short by White House-financed forces on September 11, 1973. Most people outside America refer to this day as “the forgotten 9/11.” The captains of industry, the principals of American capitalism, want us to associate Marxism or Socialism with terrorism. It’s shameful that the first 9/11 the White House was involved in, one that sought to eradicate Marxism, birthed a dictatorship that lasted for decades, killed thousands, and became the embodiment of terror for those living under its conditions.

Second, decades past, with Allende, Pinochet and many of the people who lived through the coup long since passed, the historic artifacts of the time — the Nueva Canción movement and Guzmán’s documentaries — survive through technologies that all rely on Chile’s greatest export, copper. Victor Jara’s music, Patricio Guzmán’s films, and all the ideas contained therein survived through technology, their work slowly countering the efforts of transnational corporations who pay to make history malleable. If you’re reading this, it owes in no small part to copper.

Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason seeks to prevail.
Salvador Allende, September 11, 1973

Void as Value

Posted by , August 23rd, 2010
Category: Reasoning Tags:   RSS | Comments | Trackback from your site
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As modern art shat all over the values of the romantics, the modern artist was not only a trailblazer looking for new, unknown territories, he also acted in defense of his fresh ideas. In destroying the literal, beautiful, sublime styles of the old guard, the modernist redefined art. Certainly, contemporary art has far less baggage and as a result, has pushed further into the unknown.

It’s easy to live in this contemporary digital age ignorant to the burdens of modern art. It’s long past new, and all the ideals the modern artists fought for are now concrete principles. Abstractionism, conceptualism, minimalism, post-modernism have all become standard to the children of the digital age. So standard, in fact, that people today are desensitized to radical creativity. Our culture seems less interested in investigating and disputing old truths and more interested in simply cacheing and simulating them. The functions of our age (bookmark, forward, re-tweet, blog) confirm this.

Are audiences now more likely to be bored by a Rothko than engaged by one?

Ubi nunc…?

In 1947, Rothko offered this statement on art as a transcendent experience in reaction to the ordinariness of everyday life:

The most important tool the artist fashions through constant practice is faith in his ability to produce miracles when they are needed. Pictures must be miraculous: the instant one is completed, the intimacy between the creation and its creator is ended. He is an outsider. The picture must be for him, as for experiencing it later, a revelation, an unexpected and unprecedented resolution of an eternally familiar need.

The familiar identity of things has to be pulverized in order to destroy the finite associations with which our society increasingly enshrouds every aspect of our environment.

Without monsters and gods, art cannot enact our drama: art’s most profound moments express this frustration. When they were abandoned as untenable superstitions, art sank into melancholy. It became fond of the dark, and enveloped its objects in the nostalgic intimations of a half-lit world.

If Rothko’s assertion of the Romantic’s elegiac reflection on a pre-lit time stands, then our age is occupied in pure, shadow-less light. What have we to look for when the searchlight has been shone on everything? The digital age is a post-experiential time. We’ve worn paths through all the familial needs. We’re warmly familiar with all ghosts and gods. We’ve possibly entirely exhausted the new! We’re living in the catalogue raisonné of all-things.

Our digital age of accessibility teaches everyone to be a master archivist (however truncated and ill-informed our Wikipedian wisdom is as a result). Taking inventory of the last hundred years of revolutionary creative expression we find a million examples of “already been done” when looking for an original idea. For the sake of brevity I’ll list just a handful:

  • John Cage’s 4’33”, a three-movement, multi-instrumental musical piece in which the performers do not play anything.
  • Guy Debord’s 1952 anti-film masterpiece, Hurlements en faveur de Sade, which critiqued the way culture commercialized images (the film had no images; the screen was either dark or filled with light).
  • Marcel Duchamp’s 1917 readymade Fountain; a urinal offered as art.
  • Henry Jacob’s 1957 Vortex, proto-surround sound experiment at the San Francisco planetarium, where tape loops were fed into 30+ speakers that surrounded the audience.
  • Piero Manzoni, who dedicated his life to absurdist subversions of art: Fiato d’Artista (“Artist’s Breath” — a balloon as art object, which cost more should the buyer want it inflated); Merda d’Artista (“Artist’s Shit” — canned turds, sold by weight, cost equivalent to the current value of gold); Socle du Monde (“Base of the World” — an overturned iron base holding the entire world).
  • Emmett Grogan, leader of the San Francisco Diggers, rallied a boisterous crowd at the 1967 Congress of the Dialectics of Liberation in London. The crowd went apeshit over his revolutionary rhetoric… it wasn’t until he finished his speech that he told the enthused crowd it was a speech originally delivered by Adolf Hitler.
  • Lou Reed’s Metal Machine Music. A double album of feedback. Layers and layers of feedback. No “music,” no singing, just an hour of constant noise. This was 1975.
  • Zeitkratzer, an 11-piece Berlin ensemble, transcribed Loud Reed’s Metal Machine Music and performed it at the Berlin Opera House. This was 2003.
  • Han Van Meegeren, spurned by Dutch art critics who claimed his style overly imitative of the Dutch masters, painstakingly painted a series of forgeries attributed to the old masters, fooled the same critics who disgraced him, amassed a fortune, had his work hung in museums and galleries all over the world, and just before his death a Dutch poll placed his popularity second in the nation next to the Prime Minister.
  • In 1913, the Italian Futurist Luigi Russolo invented the intonarumori, or “noise intoner” to elevate noise, replacing tired orchestral instruments with the simulated sounds of machines, whistles, groaning, scraping, etc.
  • San Francisco experimental band Negativland have made a career of exploring the fair use of copyrighted material (read: getting sued). In an effort to confuse consumers, Negativland released a single titled “U2” at the same time the band U2 released Achtung Baby. The Negativland single contained a song titled, “I Still Haven’t Found What I’m Looking For,” which features a recording of a profanity-riddled rant by Casey Kasem where he speaks of U2, “These guys are from England and who gives a shit.” Island Records, U2’s label, promptly sued. Negativland later published the book, Fair Use: The Story of the Letter U and the Numeral 2, which details the U2 lawsuit (including copies of legal documents and correspondence). The book caused Negativland’s own label, SST, to sue them for making public financial information and the treatment of the band under SST. Negativland was consequently dropped from the label.
  • Tired of the predictability of paints, Otto Muehl began creating and filming “actions” with fellow artists (who came to be known as the Vienna Actionists). In 1969 Meuhl made “Oh Sensibility,” an film in which the actionists kill and copulate with a goose.

Epic in their emptiness, violently void of sublimity, succès de scandale, ironically hip, vitriolic and vulgar, neoteric, these advances into new territories, however novel, were bound in defense of the movement’s gestalt.

In 1960, Piero Manzoni, writing of his Line drawings (long lines drawn on paper, rolled and stored in canisters, displayed as such in the gallery — non-visible art that requires thinking above the act of seeing), said:

The line develops in length uniquely, to the infinite. Its only dimension is time. It goes without saying that a line is neither a horizon nor a symbol and its value is not linked to the fact that it is more or less beautiful, but rather to the fact that it is a line, that it exists, like a work which counts for what it is and not for its beauty or for what it evokes. But in this case the surface only retains its value as a vehicle.

For the generation that was the first audience to this new conceptualism there was undoubtedly shock. For the viewer, there was the novelty of being shocked, but there was tangible value in the entire process of experiencing conceptual art. Confronting the unfamiliarity of the idea, the reaction to that confrontation, and reconciling the experiencing of the idea with one’s everyday life. Perhaps that value has diminished relative to the new experiences of the day? Certainly, the novelty of conceptualism has worn off.

Those of us living in the post-conceptual age seem to carry a kind-of built in preemptive defense against a (mostly imaginary) “jokes-on-you” malevolence that is suspected to be part of art. Almost as if in taking a minute to consider a piece of conceptual art one runs the risk of, in a Kutcherian sense, being Punk’d. As a defense, then, we — as descendants of the conceptualists — usually race to be first in dismissing abstraction. The immediate nexting sensation, a manifestation of our chatroulette mores, often overrides our attention span.

We’ve been provoked, shocked, mocked, disregarded and, all things considered, seem less interested in, well… all of it. It’s painting with a wide brush, but I think a fair generalization to say that people are less interested today than they’ve ever been; ours is the age of overstimulation. We are disengaged, contemptuous and, in reaction, buttoning down. We are exposed to more shocking images than ever before, and at the same time becoming more conventional in our tastes. Popular culture finds entertainment in the prurient interest in sex and violence, as well as the overwhelming foolishness of reality television. There’s little that we aren’t exposed to in our daily lives, we have it all, constantly refreshed. We’re witness to the most violent, most sexual, most hedonistic, most criminal behavior. At the same time, our prurience is tempered with a puritan judgment and moral conservatism.

There is a mechanism built into our media, information and entertainment industries that persist we qualify our sympathy and reserve it for “respectful” people. As a result, the class of people we don’t respect (“cheats,” “junkies,” “criminals,” “illegals,” “terrorists”) end up on the underside of opportunity and power, and we end up treating them less like humans as we see them in a class different than ourselves. Naturally, the repetitiveness of these experiences allow us to become calloused to these people whom we’ve begun to think less of, making us unsympathetic, vengeful, and less humane.

As an experiment, pay attention to how much you, and those around you, revel in the activities of other. And then pay attention to how you criticize those same people for the activities you reveled in. It’s a disheartening cycle, and once you’re aware of it, you find it everywhere.

Ubi sunt qui ante nos fuerunt?

Marx pragmatically said, “Being defines consciousness,” and while we are a culture of limitless access, we are also a culture defined by our activities. What one does for a living shapes one’s life, and pragmatically, a quarter of our daily life is spent working, another quarter sleeping, and the other half is devoted to eating, shopping, television, texting, facebooking, etc.

There is little or no art that challenges us in our daily lives. For evidence of this we only need to look at what’s around us: what we get fed on twitter, re-tweet, link, email, see on facebook, read in newspapers, magazines, blogs and books. Through our cultural conditioning as conceptualism’s brood, and our disheartening lifestyle of intolerant humanity, we rarely exercise our ability to think critically. As a consumer-based system, the entertainment industry rewards that which endorses the system, and so the most popular art is that which is void of content. As consumers we are more likely to consumer more if that which we consume has a short shelf life.

Currently, the Internet is viral with Die Antwoord, Lady Gaga, Katy Perry, American Idol-related stuff, and how Justin Bieber sounds better 800% slower. All of these acts share a certain novelty. There’s something wacky about each of them, but nothing that we won’t be bored of soon enough. And historically, we’ve been living with the resurrections of these artists for decades. Die Antwood is like a South African Rappin’ Duke, or a grown-up Kriss Kross, or a worse dressed MC Hammer. Lady Gaga is Boy George, Grace Jones, Marilyn Manson or RuPaul reincarnate. Katy Perry = Cyndi Lauper, lol <3. American Idol is interactive Star Search. And Justin Bieber is like any one of a thousand boy sensations to come along since the spectacle of the Beatles.

There’s a certain cycle that we’ve become accustomed to in popular culture. Anne Rice and her vampires were inescapable when I was younger. Today, True Blood and Twilight act as stand-ins for Interview with a Vampire. I suppose this pattern existed when the Beatles were big and old folks saw them as a reincarnation of Buddy Holly. What’s different is the degree to which we’re isolated from our humanity — the degree to which we reward that which is void of content. My parent’s generation protested Vietnam, rallied for civil rights, and empowered the women’s movement. It’s slightly depressing to see the site of the most recent large-scale collective action is Groupon, where 400,000 people united to get half off at The Gap.

Utterly meaningless! Everything is meaningless!
Ecclesiastes 1:2

To be clear, I’m not advocating that we only listen to Metal Machine Music and tweet only about the outmoded insight of the Damien Hirst oeuvre. Those have the same potential of encompassing the same repetitive novelty. What I think is important, and as well a real challenge, is to be thoughtful, engaged and reasoning in our approach to daily life. If, as Marx said, “being defines consciousness,” than the most shocking thing we can do is to be genuine.

For musicians, it’s a challenge to be engaged and focused in their music. There is a great personal reward in creating something. Not being familiar with one’s reasons for wanting to play music, not knowing what one is getting out of the music, and not being focused in that process, are all symptoms of a consciousness defined by a void of being. Not being engaged lends to the pitfalls of detachment, imitation and novelty. Riddling music with this kind of bullshit is easily avoidable, though it proves difficult for most to avoid.

For the audience, the challenge lies not only in sifting through all the bullshit, but being conscious of one’s participation in the cycle that makes him less humane. Our participation in that which is void of content makes us simple consumers. Simply consuming presents few challenges. To be critical, thoughtful, and engage in what defines your consciousness is not only rewarding, but it’s unique.

Resistance against all the forces of domestication of the spirit.